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Speech at a meeting of the St. Petersburg Committee of the RSDLP (b) November 1/14, 1917]
Published according to Bulletin of the Opposition No. 7, 1927

Lunacharsky. “I would like to share with you an impression of the masses who fought. I listened with surprise to Vladimir Ilyich's speech about Kamenev's supposed refusal to recognize the socialist revolution. However, who is in power? The Bolsheviks say one thing. I do not know that Kamenev was on the Menshevik point of view. Our influence is growing. The peasants are coming over to our side. And the urban worker understands that the issue of land is not indifferent to him. The Socialist-Revolutionary resolution is understood as the basis of the decree on land. We are introducing this into our program of activities, we can also introduce this when appointing a government. We (the Right Opposition) took the stand that a uniform socialist ministry was necessary. We say there is no place for constitutionalist-democrats (Cadets).

We further pointed out the need for workers' control, for the regulation of production through factory and factory committees; other parties agree with this. We will force everyone to accept this clause. This is our entire program, plus the power of the soviets. Does it mean that we are abandoning city councils? Yes, ours are sitting in them. If these Dumas want to take (power), then we will smash them. Does that mean we want to give the Dooms a piece of power? No, only representation (in the Soviet government). And really because of this they would continue the civil war? No, don't. Reelecting the Duma is another matter. Here we are in power for 8 days, but we do not know whether the decree on peace is known to the people. Who did this? Technical personnel [who are bourgeois or petty-bourgeois. He sabotages us. If the City Duma demanded a change in the main line, that would be a different matter, but if only representation in power, then there is no need to speak. We won't fix anything ourselves. Hunger will begin. If those who sabotage are not with us, i.e. technical apparatus, then our agitation will not be read abroad, and we will not fix anything. You can, of course, act by terror - but why? for what?]1

We will strive for an agreement. But if they grab us by the hand, then we are resolute people in order to fight back ... At the present moment, we must first of all take control of the entire apparatus. This means acting along the line of least resistance, and not attacking every station with hostility. Otherwise we can't do anything. This is the first stage. You need to master the first step in order to go further! You can’t make such leaps, you have to gradually move up the steps. We must strengthen our situation as soon as possible. We must adjust the entire state apparatus, and then move on. Whoever stretches the string too much, he breaks it. She will burst. Now the representative (of the party) in the Maritime Committee says; that most of the sailors were in such a mood that they were ready to come to Smolny and declare that they did not agree to wage a civil war because Bolsheviks will have more or less power. This exclusive position may not last long. To tighten it means to bleed without the support of a technical apparatus.

I am surprised at Vladimir Ilyich about his words about negotiations with General Kaledin, because he is a real force, while the Mensheviks are unreal. But after all, this unrealistic force will be able to move troops from the front and carry out a battle near Vinnitsa and not let the Lettish riflemen come here. Technically, we will not be able to do anything in the position we have taken. We began to love the war very much, as if we were not workers, but soldiers, a military party. We need to create, but we do nothing. We in the party will argue and we will continue to argue, and only one person will remain - the dictator.

We cannot cope with arrests, we cannot attack the technical apparatus, it is too big. The people reason this way: our program must be carried out, while keeping weapons in the hands of the workers. We can rest on this. Now we cannot, however, work, because there is no apparatus. So it won't last long. We must show that we can really build, and not only say: "fight, fight," and clear the way with bayonets - this will lead us nowhere. Making people who work badly work better is easier than forcing people who don't work to work. In the face of all these difficulties, I consider agreement desirable. None of your proofs about the Mensheviks can convince the masses. I know very well that it is impossible to work the way it is now. It is impossible in principle, and it is impossible to risk masses of lives.

Do not breed disagreements, but they already exist; - the masses are nervous about this.

A fragment missing from Soviet publications