Marx-Engels |  Lenin  | Stalin |  Home Page

   Lunacharsky Articles and speeches on international politics

11th anniversary of the October Revolution

The meeting took place at the Bolshoi Theatre. Presidium: Uglanov, Kotov, Lavrov, Mikhailov, Korostelev, Polonsky, Kozlov, Popov. Conducted the meeting Comrade. Volkov. The meeting opened with silence in memory of Lenin. At the meeting, a comprehensive report was made by comrade. Lunacharsky.

The presentation of the report is based on a newspaper report. The text of the report is given according to the publication: "The People's Teacher", 1928, No. 11, p. 8–15.

Presentation of the report by A. V. Lunacharsky
Comrade Lunacharsky devoted the beginning of his report to the international situation.

“We know,” said Comrade Lunacharsky, “that we are in the center of an intense class struggle, a struggle that is taking place not only abroad, but also in our country. Therefore, on the 11th anniversary of October, we once again state the need for class vigilance by the proletariat.

The most difficult task of industrializing the country and building socialism in the world's first workers' state fell to our lot. The industrialization of our country is especially difficult because we have inherited from the tsarist system backward technology and the lack of culture of the masses. But that is precisely why we must lead a steady course towards industrialization. Without this, we cannot go further along the path of socialist construction.

Referring to the figures for the economic growth of the Soviet Union, Comrade Lunacharsky said that over the next year and a half the construction of 120 new enterprises would begin. Some of these enterprises will be put into operation this year. Coal production now exceeds the pre-war level by 42 per cent. Textile production has surpassed the pre-war level by 14 percent. New chemical industries are being introduced, which did not exist at all in tsarist Russia. Each of our economic successes is the best propaganda for our socialist construction.

Further work on the industrialization of the country and the socialist reorganization of agriculture rests on the necessity of raising the cultural level of the masses to the maximum. It is unthinkable to develop such a gigantic pace of industrialization as we have planned without education, without highly qualified workers from among the workers and peasants. The question of culture is an inseparable part of our economic plan.

We are still on the road. The road ahead is very steep, pitted, covered with thorny bushes and many other obstacles. These obstacles give rise among individual comrades to a decadent mood, a desire to "rest on the lawn." But the tens of years of our Party's existence and the eleven years of heroic work of our entire proletariat force us to say with confidence that we will overcome all obstacles. And if someone is going to bury us, then it turns out exactly like the mice buried the cat.

“Facing our enemies,” said Comrade Lunacharsky in conclusion, “we will say: “No, dear ones, don’t wait to bury us!”

Report [Eleventh Anniversary]
Each new anniversary of the great October Revolution is greeted with joy and satisfaction by the proletariat and peasants of our country, by the proletariat and working people of the whole world. Each such anniversary is in itself a triumph in the struggle of labor against capital. Never before has the world seen a revolution of such depth and significance embrace such spaces, such human masses and spread over such a period of time. But on each such anniversary, we ourselves, within our USSR, and all our countless friends throughout the world in advanced countries and backward colonies, ask ourselves with a mixture of anxiety and triumph about the state in which the new anniversary finds us.

And so, on this eleventh anniversary, when we listen to the voices reaching us from abroad, we easily distinguish the same malevolent croaking that we have heard from there in past years. Many abroad would sweetly like to believe that we are at a loss, that we are heading towards the end, that things in our Union are going from worse to worse, that this year is marked by such extraordinary difficulties that even the energy of the Communist Party can already overcome. unable. And we are under the chorus of these funeral voices, to which we have long been accustomed, who have been holding a requiem for us all eleven years, who still hope for such an outcome - we can say to our worst bourgeois brothers that we are meeting another year of that great era that began with the October Revolution and will culminate in the establishment of socialism throughout the world.

Of course, this does not mean at all that we are in rapture with our own work. When the proletariat of our country, under the leadership of the Communist Party and its great leader, undertook the task of carrying out the first workers' revolution in an economically and culturally backward country, we knew the difficulties that awaited us.

We do not flatter ourselves with the fact that the unusually difficult years of the civil war, when we had to win back our right to manage our country, have passed, that the times of starvation and the destruction of all the foundations of our economy and cultural life have passed, that now we are on the path of creative creation.

We should not and cannot be deluded by this. We know that the difficulties are far from exhausted, that we have not yet won socialism. We have not won even a guarantee that our enemies will not again try to thwart our socialist construction with an armed hand. Least of all, we won the opportunity, as if on rails, to move forward without interruption and to complete our construction without a struggle.

We know that we are in the midst of an intense class struggle, that the world around us is our enemy, that we are surrounded by the greatest hatred. We know that within our country we have not yet uprooted all the roots hostile to new construction, that we live in a petty-bourgeois country which has a tendency to deviate again and again in the direction of bourgeois development.

We note this year, as in previous years, and as we will still note in many future years, our interruptions, painful phenomena, extremely acute moments in our work. But this will not make us doubt for a single minute either the correctness of our path, or that the goal is not far off, or that we have enough strength to reach this goal.

When this year, as during each of our great annual holidays, we survey the world and look at the state of our surroundings, together with the Sixth Congress of the Comintern, which dealt in detail with the characterization of the current situation, we state the stabilization of capitalism. We see that capitalism has begun to rationalize its technique, that it is trying with all its might to resolve its internal contradictions and lick its wounds. But at the same time we state—and recent events confirm how prudent we are in this respect—that capitalism is a system for which even health is harmful. Even when capitalism enters its flourishing period—and in regard to the development of its industry in some countries, for example, in the United States, it is in such a flourishing period— — even in this case, capitalism suffers from apoplexy. Full-bloodedness turns out to be fatal for him, an abyss opens before his feet, weakening his strength. He begins to frantically rush about, look around him, think about what to do in order to get additional fuel, additional raw materials and additional buyers in order to carry out his former production on an expanded basis. But these possibilities are entirely based on the competition of individual capitalists and individual capitalist groups, on the competition of various large capitalist organizations and such colossal bands of robbers who falsely bear the name of fatherlands. Being in the grip of this contradiction, suffering from its own plethora, capitalism rushes about before us, sick with its own health. On the one hand, gigantic cracks furrow its surface, cracks, passing between the interests of individual capitalist associations. The bourgeoisie of the United States of North America, which has grown immeasurably as a contender for world hegemony, is striving to give battle to its weary predecessor, Great Britain and Europe in general; it is preparing in the most serious way for a clash of forces that will probably give rise to a war such as has never been seen in the history of mankind and in front of which the destructive forces of former wars will seem like a toy.

And, on the other hand, the tense state of the struggle for markets compels capitalism, neglecting the danger of the development of communist ideas and sympathies among the proletariat, to attack it, to put pressure on it in order to take away the last remnants of the rights it won at the critical moment of the war, in order to try at its expense to reduce prices for their goods, ensure greater penetration of their goods into foreign countries, etc.

We are now seeing how one country after another goes over to the offensive against the proletariat.

England, which launched an offensive and ran into the well-known great strike of miners, which turned into a general strike, temporarily stopped. The bourgeoisie of other countries, which has felt that perhaps the workers' soup that it wanted to start drinking is too hot, is now in need of attacking the proletariat.

And that huge wave of strikes that spreads from country to country and which, unfortunately, so often leads to nothing, mainly due to the betrayals of the Social Democracy—this wave of strikes determines both the growth of the demands of the working class and the growth of the impudent offensive. capitalists to workers.

And we welcome this. We welcome this capitalist insolence. We know that thanks to it, all attempts to narrow the gap between the proletariat and capitalism will burst. The capitalists have discarded all Monds and all social democracy and openly declare: "I need to rob the workers, I need to screw up the press with which I squeeze out the commodity-value." When they go over to the offensive, in our opinion, they run an extremely high risk, because by throwing aside all intermediate brokers and standing face to face against the proletariat, like force against force, they can miscalculate extremely.

We never asked anything else, we always said: let the proletariat stand against the bourgeoisie, like a force against a force, as a united labor force, and then we'll see who will be stronger.

We are here now before this process begins. Despite the fact that the bourgeoisie is split among themselves, and, pressing against the working class, encounters considerable resistance in all countries of America and Europe - despite this, its most secret dream, its cherished goal is to direct all that ruinous preparation for war, which cannot be to disguise any declarations of the League of Nations and the Kellogg Pact - to direct it primarily against the USSR. The bourgeoisie argues correctly: how can one fight each other if the third is the Soviet Union, which will use all its strength to take advantage of the moment of war to throw the soldiers against the officers, the military energy of the proletariat and the peasantry against the bourgeoisie? The bourgeoisie cannot decide to divide the world without first overthrowing the common enemy; and the very division of the world, from her point of view, can be postponed a little, if until then she manages to wrest this vast country from the hands of the Bolsheviks, divide it into zones of influence and, turning it into a source of colonial profit, at least somewhat satisfy the hunger of the bourgeoisie for markets and raw materials. And, on the other hand, the capitalists say, how can we deal with our working class, how can we bring it to complete obedience, if from there, from this accursed Moscow, where the main headquarters of the international revolutionary movement sits, rumors are constantly coming, filling the proletariat with fighting energy .

All this compels the bourgeoisie to think of an international alliance for the struggle against us, against red Moscow. This was also stated by the last congress of the Comintern, which appealed to the working class and peasantry of the whole world, and above all to the communist parties, to stand guard over the Soviet Union, their only fatherland, the fatherland of all the working people of the whole world.

But if the Communist International calls on all our foreign brethren to such resistance, then first of all, on this 11th anniversary, we must say to ourselves again and again that our entire existence, the entire possibility of the future well-being of the peoples that make up our Union, our socialist plans, our assistance to the world proletariat, which we can render to it in its struggle against capital—all this depends on how much our Red Army and its main cadres will invariably stand guard, how much each of us, worker, peasant and labor intellectuals, are ready at any moment to direct all their forces to the defense of the country of socialism under construction. The experiment that Western European capitalism can embark on must be punished with such vigor and such severity that no one should be accustomed to stretching his paw to our country and hindering our work.

This is how, on the whole, our position on the world plane now stands. We can expect an attack on us. We must be ready to repel it. We can wait for the unification of the revolutionary forces of the world proletariat, for a general attack by the proletariat against the bourgeoisie, and we must then be ready to throw all our might into the struggle for the proletariat and against capitalism.

When we move on to internal construction in our country, we must not think for a single moment that we are leaving the field of our international activity. Those who, out of inexplicable frivolity and inexplicable short-sightedness, could say that the ideal of building socialism in our country is a rejection of international tasks and the world proletarian revolution are, of course, mistaken.

How can you forget about these tasks? The whole world, both our enemies, and the vacillating neutral element, and our friends, are all now facing the enormous question of the socialist construction of a country that has followed the Leninist path, all are facing the fact of building at least the first floor of a socialist edifice. Every stone that we put into this building is at the same time the gravestone for the bourgeoisie. Every success that we can ascertain is the most persuasive propaganda towards all who hesitate. The cause of socialist construction is not only a matter of the peoples that make up our Union, not only a question of the well-being of the citizens of the USSR, not only a question of the successes of our Party and our proletariat, it is the most important work in clarifying the correct Leninist paths for the workers and peasants of the whole world, this is the most important work on the most effective agitation, as a result of which the lies of the Social Democracy, the slander of the bourgeoisie before the wavering masses, will be exposed. We must prove that the path we are following is the path of success. When we encounter difficulties on this path, when some of our comrades begin to waver, we cannot but take this to heart. With special attention, with special anxiety, with a particularly careful assessment of all our successes and a thirst to quickly explain the causes of difficulties, we treat any report about what we have achieved, where the sore spots are, how to heal them.

The October Revolution, in our position (in a backward agricultural country), confronted us with a double task. If such a revolution had taken place in the United States, or even in Germany, things would have been easier; there, after the political victory over the bourgeoisie, it would only be necessary to turn the page of history, since there capitalism did a lot in terms of raising the technical and cultural level. In our country, capitalism has not completed its mission; it has not industrialized our country. Our country is still a country of "clubs", it is not yet machine-made. Only truly, to the end, a machine-made country is the soil for socialist sowing and for a socialist harvest. Therefore, it fell to our lot, simultaneously with the development of the Soviet state and the building of the socialist sector of our economy, simultaneously with the planting of the elements of the socialist way of life that we have, to complete the work of capitalism, i.e. to industrialize our country, first of all to saturate it with machinery, to raise it to the level of industrialization at which our bourgeois competitors now stand.

That is why the industrialization of the country is an absolutely necessary prerequisite for any success in socialist construction, that is why the slightest encroachment on the pace of this industrialization, the slightest desire, under the influence of some temporary circumstances, to go over to a less serious assessment of the industrialization of the country, must be met with the most resolute rebuff on our part. And this is not, of course, because, having turned our face to the industrialization of the country, we turn our backs on the countryside, not because we heed the frivolous and risky proposals to squeeze everything possible out of the countryside without caring about it, and drive, drive industrialization. No. These plans, completely unsubstantiated, not lying on any solid foundation, calculated only on a fortune-telling policy, were severely condemned by the Party and rejected.

We say: industrialization is a task, the fulfillment of which is the main problem of our construction, we must have a sufficient number of the proletariat, a sufficient production of machines in order to pass over to socialism and at the same time to serve agriculture. It is by no means possible to improve agriculture if we cannot provide it with agricultural implements and chemical fertilizers, if the whole culture is urban, if all development of the advanced sections of the population does not come to the aid of the backward countryside. It is not true that the cause of the city is a matter alien to the countryside: the city is the organ of the countryside; and one cannot think of the industrialization of the country without the participation of the countryside. If our village of many millions does not grow in terms of needs and in terms of purchasing power, we will not be able to develop our industry, which is largely based on rural raw materials. Finally, if the countryside does not provide industry with this raw material, the development of industrialization is unthinkable.

Our first steps in this field depend on imports from abroad of machinery and apparatus which we cannot produce ourselves. This in turn depends on exports. Exports are mostly agricultural products.

If the indicated bias were to be introduced into our grain economy, it would not only distort our export plan, it would produce much worse consequences. That is why our Party directs all its energy to ensure that certain ignorant or enthusiastic people cannot lead it astray from its true path. It was not for nothing that Marx said that often the path goes along the edge of a knife, and whoever does not stay on it will fall in one direction or another - fall into a swamp. Lenin also said that we are walking on the edge of a knife, and he sufficiently illuminated this for us. Our gigantic party, with leaders tempered and forged by history, tells us that we not only walk on this knife-edge, but are compelled to walk with the entire historical situation.

I will pass on to some analysis of our economic directions, to some figures. These figures, our dispassionate comrades, although they sometimes lie, they lie truthfully, they lie less than any other signs. And on the basis of these figures, we should conclude that we care about the day after tomorrow much more than about today and tomorrow. All our politics speaks about it. This does not mean that we say to the worker: now you should not receive fruits, but only buds from which flowers will bloom. This is not how we put the question; we care a great deal about raising our cultural level. But the Communist Party and the Soviet government say that now is the time for the Marxist transfer of all our forces to our capital construction. Now is the time when we cannot forget our tomorrow for a single moment. The peasant leaves the seed grain for sowing and does not eat it, despite the terrible famine. But the grain that we have in the chervonets, and which, in spite of all our failures, we do not eat, this grain will give us a hundredfold harvest. Therefore, we save this grain in order to get as much as possible from it in the future.

In the next financial year, the Party allocates 2,000,000,000 rubles for the expansion of the economy; we are in second place in the world, after the wealthy United States.

And the fact that our poor country can invest such powerful resources in its economy shows that our energy is mainly directed towards the future construction of our country.

We are approaching the time when the harvest from this crop is already beginning to turn out. In the first half of this year, we are introducing 120 large giant enterprises, which will only partly enter production in the second half of the year; but they will give us half a billion ... This will give us the opportunity to breathe easier.

We are right in our economic policy and we can say about all sorts of attacks by our enemies and friends who are discouraged and smoke the sky with sighs: we are approaching a period when it will be easier, because what we spent in the previous period will give in the future period us your positive result.

Already in the past year, we had a 27% greater output of goods than before the war. Compared to last year, it is 23% more, while in bourgeois states the growth does not exceed 10%. Our production of agricultural goods is deployed at 15 billion; the combined harvest is 8 billion rubles. Was Comrade wrong? Rykov, who at one of the meetings, where some pessimists expressed their mood, said: “It is one thing to embarrass a poor man who does not know what he will have tomorrow, and another matter to embarrass a billionaire”? Our country was a poor man, now it is already a billionaire country.

Of course, given its vastness and the colossal nature of our tasks, this is only the beginning. We just crossed the threshold.

An extremely gratifying fact in our economy is that we ourselves are beginning to produce machines - the most complex internal combustion engines, airplanes with their own engines. We are becoming independent of European technology, we are producing mass chemical products that pre-war Russia did not even think about.

But at the same time, we always remember that this side of our economy is closely connected with agriculture.

Let us now turn to this sadder part of our economy, let us turn to face the village. What will we see there? One of the most insightful leaders of the Communist Party, comrade. Stalin, at the Fifteenth Party Congress, even before what is now being said and stated about the rural crisis, quite definitely established that there is a lag in the rate of development of agriculture, a lag in its growth from agriculture abroad, that the pace of industrialization is faster. There is danger. And then the party was diagnosed and the medicine was prescribed. A few words need to be said about this diagnosis and remedy.

The countryside is that part of our economy which has not been socialized in any way—not socialized, as industry is socialized. Industry is a huge industrial crystal, a huge, complex, dense body, which is easily directed by our planned construction, the electricity of revolutionary energy. The village is sand, the village is matter, in which there are many small farms. It is extremely difficult to influence this village politically, economically, and culturally. This human and economic sand is characterized by special laws of development, laws that are extremely deep and spontaneous. They lie in the fact that the peasant economy, being not only small, but also not very culturally intensive, cannot master the real achievements of agronomy.

We had 20 million peasant households, at present we have 25 million. peasant households, in five years we will have 30 million. This is a gigantic pauperization which must inevitably take place if the village is left to itself. And against this general background, the thick cream of the kulaks gathers, with the help of the unification of the entire village massif, the commodity peasant rises, who, in essence, firstly, sucks the village like a spider, and secondly, claims to be a commodity peasant to regulate the grain market and all politics; and, thirdly, it is a natural breeding ground for the new young bourgeoisie, which, at the moment of our collision with an external enemy, may turn out to be a fatal force for us.

The task set before itself by the Party—the task of introducing the principles of co-operation among the peasantry, the task of creating powerful and numerous collective farms, the task of setting up state grain factories—represents a tremendous effort to distort the natural law of the development of the countryside, but to distort it in the best possible way.

Of course, one can say this: you are thinking of somehow making the spontaneous development of petty-bourgeois economy flow along a channel in which it is not supposed to flow. But it may be objected that we have already caused some rivers to flow in the wrong direction, and changed their course. We have many such examples in every branch of our culture. There grows some wild pear or wild apple tree, which is destined for eternity to produce only the most sour wild fruits. We graft new cuttings, and the same juices take other paths and produce magnificent fruits. Such a vaccination will have to be done in the village. To this wild tree of petty-bourgeois farming and pauperization—both very unpleasant fruits and can produce nothing good—we will have to graft cuttings of cooperative and collective farming,

This is the gigantic, titanic work that we now set before ourselves, and this is the only way that can really and radically eliminate all kinds of food shortages, shortages of agricultural products, losses in exports, and so on.

It must not be forgotten that this task of transferring high agronomic achievements to the countryside through a difficult process is at the same time a class struggle. And we will always have in the village all the elements that were provided for by V.I. Lenin.

We always have before us in the peasant a mixture of two elements—the exploited agricultural laborer and the proprietor-merchant. To the right we have a pure proprietor and merchant, and to the left a pure worker-farm-hand, and in this confusion we have to pass an electric current, polarize the countryside, force them to gather, drive to the opposite pole all mercantile-minded elements in order to give these elements a decisive battle and to force all the laboring elements to move to our other pole, who make of the peasants not only helpers of the bourgeois revolution, but who make them satellites of the proletariat right up to socialism itself.

For both tasks, for those tasks that stand both in the field of industrialization and in the field of agriculture - where our success is not yet so great - a cultural revolution is needed, which was proclaimed at the Fifteenth Party Congress: to develop high forms of industrialization, to learn to master high machinery, to learn to switch over to more training without raising our masses to the appropriate level, is meaningless. We need not only new engineers, new technicians, but we also need a new worker. And when such speeches are heard that the current aspiration of capitalism is such that the worker does the work that an automaton can do, and, therefore, why should we care about his development, when fate itself shows us, by the example of capitalism, that the worker is an economically degenerate type - when such speeches are heard, we must, firstly, say that there is a transitional moment here, that the development of capitalism cannot stop there, that in Western Europe there are opposite currents that turn a person into a controlling element. Secondly, we cannot possibly allow the worker to be treated as labor power; for us he is always a worker who has his own interests and gigantic tasks; to educate a good galoshnika, it is not enough to give her some kind of technical education, one must remember that the galoshnika, like the famous Leninist cook, must learn to manage the state, and this cannot be taught in two weeks, and she must govern like a proletarian who has a factory -factory skills are inextricably intertwined with the socialist ideal and state consciousness. Tov. Stalin, immediately after the Shakhty case, pointed out that the mass of workers, who are the real masters of the country (in relation to it, everything, even the Central Committee of the Party or the central state apparatuses, are still only clerks), that this mass, as such, in in view of their lack of culture, unable to properly control what is happening. This is yet another proof of how much the country's industrialization itself requires a rise in culture. That slogan of self-criticism, which produces a certain revolution in our society, which is not limited to questions of industrialization, but takes a broader view - both the state apparatus and all social cultural work - this self-criticism can work without interruptions and errors, it can turn out to be understanding criticism or real self-criticism only coupled with the growth of cultural masses. That is why it can be said with certainty that the question of the cultural upsurge of the masses who directly serve industrialization is part of our economic plan, and if the economic executive has forgotten about culture, just as if he has forgotten about fuel and raw materials, he is a bad, short-sighted economic executive. Fortunately, through self-criticism, this type disappears.

The same is true for the village. This gigantic process of shifting all the lines of force in the countryside is possible through enormous propaganda among the peasantry, through the psychological overcoming of peasant inertia. But this is still not enough. The peasant began organizing collective farms. He needs to be helped not only with money, he needs to be helped with cultural, agronomic help, knowledge of peasant needs, by giving him some improved seeds or chemical fertilizers at cheap prices, or agricultural machines, you need to teach him how to use this, you need to teach him a type unheard of in the world. management, which is a huge, united, centralized economy.

When and where was it seen? Nowhere and never. That's why huge cultural shifts are needed. The party did not refuse to participate in the most vigilant control over the implementation of the slogan of the cultural revolution, it prompted to do a lot for the development of industrial education. But in the coming years, it will be necessary to take up agricultural education and all areas of culture that face a very uncultured village. It goes without saying that this slogan of a cultural revolution goes not only along the line of popular education in town and country; it includes the transformation of our way of life and the struggle not only with a specific class enemy - the kulak, the NEP, with the remnants of the landowners and the bourgeoisie, who are still rooted in some places, or with those groups of the intelligentsia that are hostile to us; this enemy is still sitting inside us - this is a petty-bourgeois selfish, who is loafing or making a fuss or simply drinking like a pig. When the proletarian does this, it is not the proletarian who does it, but the petty bourgeois, for in himself the proletarian is a nondrinking being, in himself the proletarian is a cultured being, and if the proletarian is not yet cultured enough and drinks, that means that in him or above there sits a part of the petty bourgeoisie, who must be exterminated and exterminated.

Thus, despite our high achievements, nevertheless, in our enormous tasks, we also have an extremely large number of individual difficulties. This difficulty is increased by our own mistakes. Yes, we sometimes make mistakes. The Party can always stop this or that political deviation, but the Party can in no way prevent, foresee individual mistakes that stem from a lack of knowledge, from the complexity of the issue. And the party was wrong. Mistakes must be dealt with and corrected. But the whole list of our mistakes will not for a moment make us think that we are making so many mistakes that it would be better not to take up arms, as one Social Democrat said after one unsuccessful revolution. Even after a failed revolution one should not speak like that, and after a successful revolution it is a crime to speak like that.

We are all well aware that we have not done enough yet, that we are still on the road. The road ahead of us is long and steep, but it is good that it is steep - it leads quickly up. In addition, it is pitted with wolf pits, covered with thorny grasses. It will be painful for us to walk along it, and, moreover, on this path - this can be said almost with certainty - robber forces lie in wait for us, who want at all costs to end our movement with our death. On this path, various events await us: either fears and apprehensions that can make a timid soul press their ears like a hare to their backs and hide under a bush, or a desire to relax on a green lawn or turn off the road so as not to fall into great dangers.

All these dangers, internal and external, surround us, but ten years of the existence of our party and ten years of the existence of our revolution, and those years that we have already passed cautiously and gropingly, without having our brilliant leader with us, force us to say with confidence that we will overcome all this on this eleventh anniversary of the revolution.

And on our bright holiday, we turn to our friends all over the world and say: do not believe those who begin to bury us for the hundredth time - these are mice burying a cat.

We are alive and very much alive. We are firmly on our way. Therefore, we should not be embarrassed either by the fact that from time to time our forward line is thorny, or by the fact that we often painfully argue among ourselves. The questions are too complex to be solved as a geometric problem. Let us not be embarrassed by this, and let us remember that until that happy moment when even more powerful and cultured detachments of the proletariat, while lagging behind on their historical path, take over the leadership of the entire labor revolution, we will fulfill this role, building socialism in our country. and helping the maturation and growth of revolutionary forces throughout the world.

This is what we say in our 11th year, and we say with confidence that we do not exaggerate or embellish our position for a single minute. Turning our faces to our enemies, who sing the requiem of Soviet power, we say: you will not wait for the moment when you bury us, and you should be happy if you die before we come and bury you.