On January 28 (15th according to the old style), 1918,
Vladimir Ilyich Lenin signed a decree of the Council of
People's Commissars on the creation of the Workers 'and
Peasants' Red Army and the establishment of the All-Russian
Collegium for the organization and management of the Red
Army under the People's Commissariat for Military Affairs.
Podvoisky, Yeremeev, Mekhonoshin, Krylenko, Trifonov,
Yurenev were appointed members of this structure.
As you can see, Trotsky was not among these people. At that
time, Trotsky held the position of People's Commissar for
Foreign Affairs, and it was through his fault that the
Treaty of Brest-Litovsk was signed on conditions that were
unfavorable for Soviet Russia. Trotsky disrupted peace
negotiations with Germany, and the Germans launched an
offensive against Soviet Russia, where on February 23, 1918,
near Pskov and Narva, they were stopped by units of the Red
Army.
The failure of negotiations with Germany was the reason for
the removal of Trotsky from the post of People's Commissar
for Foreign Affairs. That is, on February 23, 1918, on a day
that is symbolic for the Red Army, Trotsky had nothing to do
with it.
If we consider the date of the actual birth and creation of
the Red Army on February 23, 1918, then it was created
without Trotsky, who at that time was the
people's commissar for foreign affairs.
The first people's commissar of defense in Soviet Russia
was an old Bolshevik (member of the party since 1901),
Russian by origin, Nikolai
Ilyich Podvoisky. He held this position from December
10, 1917,
to March 14, 1918.
In January 1918, the formation of the First Corps of the
Red Army began in Petrograd. The largest part of it was made
up of St. Petersburg workers. In
March 1918, this unit already included 10 battalions, a
machine gun and horse regiments, a heavy artillery
battalion, a light artillery brigade, a mortar battalion, 3
air squadrons, a motorcycle, engineering and automobile
units, and a searchlight team. In
February and March 1918, parts of the corps took part in
the famous battles with the Germans near Pskov and Narva, as
well as near Vitebsk and Orsha.
On March 4, 1918, at the suggestion of Lenin, the
Supreme Military Council was formed. Mikhail Bonch-Bruevich
became the head of the Air Force, and Proshyan and Shutko
were appointed
commissars.
And again, we
do not see Trotsky's name in the composition of the council. And
only on March
19, Trotsky was appointed chairman of the Supreme
Military Council, and the position of Leader (which was
occupied by Bonch-Bruevich) was
not abolished. Bonch-Bruevich and Trotsky worked
in parallel for several months.
Trotsky came to an already formed Red Army. The
foundation of the Red
Army was laid without his participation. The process of creating
the Soviet armed forces before the arrival of Trotsky developed
successfully.
If you look at the relations between Commissar Trotsky and
the Red Army, it is clearly seen that in a critical
situation, Trotsky's
role was narrowed down to the role of a wedding general, while
there was constant activity of his headquarters, mostly
ineffective, which is why grassroots structures
systematically telegraphed to the Revolutionary Military
Council: "Remove
Trotsky !".
On the one hand, Trotsky, like any apparatchik, with his
apparatus was not superfluous in a country engulfed in the
collapse of the old and the hasty construction of a new one,
but even those truly revolutionary decisions that would
overtake the general mood of the then Red Army Trotsky did
not make, but not bad on his own Participation promoted, and
therefore claimed an undeserved place in the management
system.
But no
one in the party wanted a leader who was politically
chattered from side to side, and whose competence was
considered by wide circles of large, medium and grass-roots
leaders to be at least insufficient. But in the heat of the
struggle in the 1920s and 1930s, no one could really explain
it otherwise than as betrayal and initially sabotage, with
the exception of a group of the most advanced Marxists. And
it was even more difficult to explain these nuances to the
masses, for whom the administrative, educational,
theoretical level of even Trotsky was out of reach, and they
had not grown up to Stalin or Kirov.
Author: I. Shevtsov.