On the Great Patriotic War of the Soviet Union

J. V. Stalin

ON THE GREAT PATRIOTIC WAR OF THE SOVIET UNION

25TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE GREAT OCTOBER SOCIALIST REVOLUTION

SPEECH DELIVERED AT THE JOINT CELEBRATION MEETING OF THE MOSCOW SOVIET OF WORKING PEOPLE'S DEPUTIES AND REPRESENTATIVES OF MOSCOW PARTY AND PUBLIC ORGANIZATIONS

NOVEMBER 6, 1942

Comrades!

We are today celebrating the 25th Anniversary of the victory of the Soviet Revolution in our country. Twenty-five years have elapsed since the Soviet system was established here. We are now on the threshold of the next, the twenty-sixth, year of the existence of the Soviet system.
At meetings in celebration of the anniversary of the October Soviet Revolution it is customary to review the work of the Government and Party organs in the preceding year. I have been instructed to make such a review for the past year -- from November of last year to November of the current year.
The activities of our Government and Party organs during the past period proceeded in two directions: in the direction of peaceful construction and the organization of a strong rear for our front, on the one hand; and in the direction of conducting the defensive and offensive operations of the Red Army, on the other.

1. ORGANIZATIONAL WORK IN THE REAR

The peaceful constructive work of our administrative bodies in this period consisted in shifting the base of our industry, both war and civil, to the Eastern regions of our country, in evacuating and installing in their new places industrial workers and plants, in extending crop areas and enlarging the winter crop area in the East and, lastly, in radically improving the operations of our industries which produce supplies for the front and in strengthening labour discipline in the rear, both in the factories and on the collective and state farms. It must be said that this was an extremely difficult and complex large-scale task of organization for all our economic and administrative People's Commissariats, including our railways. Nevertheless, we succeeded in overcoming the obstacles; and now, in spite of all the wartime difficulties, our factories, collective farms and state farms are undoubtedly working satisfactorily. Our munition factories and allied enterprises are conscientiously and punctually supplying the Red Army with guns, mortars, aircraft, tanks, machine guns, rifles and ammunition. Our collective farms and state farms are likewise conscientiously and punctually supplying the population and the Red Army with foodstuffs and our industry with raw materials. It must he admitted that never before has our country had such a strong and well-organized rear.

As a result of all this complex organizational and constructive effort, not only our country, but the people themselves in the rear, have been transformed. They have become more efficient, less slipshod, more disciplined; they have learnt to work in wartime fashion, have become conscious of their duty to our motherland and to her defenders at the front -- the Red Army. Bunglers and slackers with no sense of civic duty are becoming fewer and fewer in the rear. The organized and disciplined, those who are imbued with a sense of civic duty, are becoming more and more numerous.

But, as I have said, the past year was not only one of peaceful construction. It was also a year of our Patriotic War against the German invaders, who vilely and treacherously attacked our peaceful country.

2. HOSTILITIES ON THE SOVIET-GERMAN FRONT

As regards the military activities of our administrative bodies during the past year, they consisted in providing for the offensive and defensive operations of the Red Army against the German fascist troops. The hostilities on the Soviet-German front during the past year may be divided into two periods. The first period was chiefly the winter period, when the Red Army, after repelling the German attack on Moscow, took the initiative, passed to the offensive, drove back the German troops, and in the space of four months advanced, in places, over 400 kilometres. The second period was the summer period, when the German fascist troops, taking advantage of the absence of a second front in Europe, mustered all their available reserves, pierced the front in the southwestern direction and taking the initiative, advanced, in places, as much as 500 kilometres in the space of five months.

The hostilities in the first period, especially the Red Army's successful operations in the region of Rostov, Tula and Kaluga, and at Moscow, Tikhvin and Leningrad, disclosed two signiflcant facts. They showed, firstly, that the Red Army and its combatant cadres have become an effective force, not only capable of withstand ing the onslaught of the German fascist troops, but also of defeating them in open battle and driving them back. They showed, secondly, that for all their staunchness, the German fascist troops super from grave organic defects, which, given certain favourable conditions for the Red Army, may lead to their defeat. It is not by mere chance that the German troops, after marching in triumph through all Europe and at one blow smashing the French troops, which had been regarded as first-class troops, met with effective military resistance only in our country; and not only did they meet with resistance, but they were compelled by the blows of the Red Army to retreat from their positions over 400 kilometres, abandoning on their line of retreat an immense quantity of guns, machines and ammunition. This fact cannot be attributed exclusively to the winter conditions of fighting.

The second period of hostilities on the Soviet-German front was marked by a turn in favour of the Germans, by the initiative passing to the Germans, by the piercing of our front in the southwestern direction, by the advance of the German troops and their reaching the areas of Voronezh, Stalingrad, Novorossiisk, Pyatigorsk and Mozdok. Taking advantage of the absence of a second front in Europe, the Germans and their allies transferred all their available reserves to the front and, massing them in one direction -- the southwestern direction -- created a

big superiority of forces here, and achieved substantial tactical gains.

Apparently the Germans are no longer strong enough to conduct a simultaneous offensive in all three directions, in the South, North and Centre, as was the case in the early months of the German offensive in the summer of last year; but they are still strong enough to organize a serious offensive in some one direction.

What was the main objective of the German fascist strategists when they launched their summer offensive on our front? Judging by the comments of the foreign press, including the German, one might think that the main objective of the offensive was to capture the oil districts of Grozny and Baku. But facts decidedly refute this assumption. Facts show that the German advance towards the oil districts of the U.S.S.R. is not the main, but an auxiliary objective.

What, then, was the main objective of the German offensive? It was to outflank Moscow from the East; to cut if off from its Volga and Urals rear and then to strike at the city. The German advance southwards, towards the oil districts, had an auxiliary purpose; not only, and not so much, to capture the oil districts as to divert our main reserves to the South and to weaken the Moscow front, and thereby facilitate the success of the blow at Moscow. This, in fact, explains why the main group of the German forces are now in the Orel and the Stalingrad areas, and not in the South.

Recently, an officer of the German General Staff fell into the hands of our men. On this officer a map was found showing the plan and schedule of the German troops' advance. From this document it is evident that

the Germans intended to be in Borisoglebsk on July 10, this year, in Stalingrad on July 25, in Saratov on August 10, in Kuibyshev on August 15, in Arzamas on September 10, and in Baku on September 25.

This document fully confirms the information in our possession that the main objective of the German summer offensive was to outflank Moscow from the East and to strike at Moscow; while the object of the advance to the South was, apart from everything else, to divert our reserves as far as possible from Moscow and to weaken the Moscow front so as to facilitate the blow at Moscow.

In short, the main objective of the German summer offensive was to surround Moscow and end the war this year.

In November last year the Germans counted on capturing Moscow by a frontal attack, on compelling the Red Army to capitulate and thus bringing the war in the East to a close. These were the illusions they sustained their soldiers with. As we know, however, these calculations of the Germans miscarried. Having burnt their fingers in their attempt at a frontal attack on Moscow last year, the Germans planned to capture Moscow this year by a flanking movement and to end the war in the East in that way. These are the illusions with which they are sustaining their duped soldiers now. As we know, these calculations of the Germans also proved unsound. Their attempt to chase two hares at ones oil and the encirclement of Moscow -- landed the German fascist strategists in difficulties.

Thus, the tactical successes of the German summer offensive were not consummated owing to the obvious unfeasibility of their strategical plans.

3. THE QUESTION OF THE SECOND FRONT IN EUROPE

How are we to explain the fact that the Germans were nevertheless able to take the initiative in military operations this year and achieve substantial tactical successes on our front?

It is to he explained by the fact that the Germans and their allies were able to muster all their available reserves, transfer them to the Eastern front and create a big superiority of forces in one of the directions. There can be no doubt that but for these measures the Germans could not have achieved any success on our front.

But why were they able to muster all their reserves and transfer them to the Eastern front? Because the absence of a second front in Europe enabled them to carry out this operation without any risk.

Hence, the chief reason for the Germans' tactical successes on our front this year is that the absence of a second front in Europe enabled them to transfer to our front all their available reserves and to create a big superiority of forces in the southwestern direction.

Let us assume that there was a second front in Europe as there was in the first World War, and that this second front diverted, let us say, 60 German divisions and 20 divisions of Germany's allies. What would have been the position of the German troops on our front today? It is not difficult to guess that their position would have been deplorable. More than that, it would have been the beginning of the end of the German fascist troops, for in that case the Red Army would not be where it is now, but somewhere near Pskov, Minsk, Zhitomir and Odessa.

That means that already in the summer of this year the German fascist army would have been on the verge of disaster; and if this did not occur, it was because the Germans were saved by the absence of a second front in Europe.

Let us examine the question of a second front in Europe in its historical aspect.
In the first World War Germany had to fight on two fronts: in the West, chiefly against Great Britain and France, and in the East, against the Russian troops. Thus, in the first World War there was a second front against Germany. Of the 220 divisions which Germany then had, not more than 85 were stationed on the Russian front. If to this we add the troops of Germany's allies then facing the Russian front, namely, 37 Austro-Hungarian divisions, 2 Bulgarian divisions and 3 Turkish divisions, we get a total of 127 divisions facing the Russian troops. Most of the remaining divisions of Germany and her allies held the front against the Anglo-French troops while some of them performed garrison duty in the occupied territories of Europe.

Such was the position in the first World War.
What is the position today, in the second World War in September this year, let us say?

According to authentic information, which is beyond all doubt, of the 256 divisions which Germany now has no fewer than 179 are on our front. If to this we add 22 Rumanian divisions, 14 Finnish divisions, 10 Italian divisions, 13 Hungarian divisions, 1 Slovak division and 1 Spanish division, we get a total of 240 divisions now fighting on our front. The remaining divisions of Germany and her allies are performing garrison duty in the

occupied countries (France, Belgium, Norway, the Netherlands, Yugoslavia, Poland, Czechoslovakia, etc.), while part of them are fighting in Libya for the possession of Egypt against Great Britain. In all, the Libyan front is diverting 4 German divisions and 11 Italian divisions.
Hence, instead of 127 divisions as was the case in the first World War, we, today, are facing on our front no less than 240 divisions, and instead of 85 German divisions we have 179 German divisions fighting the Red Army.

This is the chief reason and grounds for the tactical successes the German fascist troops gained on our front this summer.
The German invasion of our country is often compared to Napoleon's invasion of Russia. But this comparison will not bear criticism. Of the 600,000 troops which started out on the march against Russia, Napoleon brought to Borodino barely 130,000, or 140,000. That was all he had at his disposal at Moscow. Well, we now have facing the Red Army over 3,000,000 troops, and troops armed with all the implements of modern warfare. What comparison can there be here?

The German invasion of our country is sometimes also compared to the German invasion of Russia during the first World War. But neither will this comparison bear criticism. Firstly, in the first World War there was a second front in Europe, which made the Germans' position very difficult, whereas in this war there is no second front in Europe. Secondly, in this war, twice as many troops are facing our front as faced it during the first World War. Obviously, the comparison is inappropriate.

You can now imagine how grave and extraordinary are the difficulties that confront the Red Army, and how great is the heroism displayed by the Red Army in its war of liberation against the German fascist invaders.
I think that no other country and no other army could have withstood this onslaught of the savage gangs of German fascist brigands and their allies. Only our Soviet country and only our Red Army are capable of withstanding such an onslaught. (L o u d a p p l a u s e.) And not only withstanding it, but also overpowering it.
It is often asked: But will there be a second front in Europe after all? Yes, there will be; sooner or later, there will be. And there will be one not only because we need it, but above all because our Allies need it no less than we. Our Allies cannot fail to realize that since France has been put out of action, the absence of a second front against fascist Germany may end badly for all the freedom-loving countries, including the Allies themselves.

4. THE FIGHTING ALLIANCE OF THE U.S.S.R., GREAT BRITAIN AND THE U.S.A. AGAINST HITLERITE GERMANY AND HER ALLIES IN EUROPE

It may now be regarded as beyond dispute that in the course of the war imposed upon the nations by Hitlerite Germany, a radical demarcation of forces and the formation of two opposite camps have taken place: the camp of the Italo-German coalition, and the camp of the Anglo-Soviet-American coalition.

It is equally beyond dispute that these two opposite coalitions are guided by two different and opposite programs of action.

The program of action of the Italo-German coalition may be characterized by the following points: race hatred; domination of the "chosen" nations; subjugation of other nations and seizure of their territories; economic enslavement of the subjugated nations and spoliation of their national wealth; destruction of democratic liberties; universal institution of the Hitler regime.

The program of action of the Anglo-Soviet-American coalition is: abolition of racial exclusiveness; equality of nations and inviolability of their territories; liberation of the enslaved nations and the restoration of their sovereign rights; the right of every nation to manage its affairs in its own way; economic aid to nations that have suffered and assistance in establishing their material welfare; restoration of democratic liberties; destruction of the Hitler regime.

The effect of the program of action of the Italo-German coalition has been that the people in all the occupied countries of Europe -- Norway, Denmark, Belgium, the Netherlands, France, Poland, Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia, Greece and the occupied regions of the U.S.S.R. -- are seething with hatred for the Italo-German tyranny, are causing the Germans and their allies all the damage they can, and are waiting for a favourable opportunity to take revenge on their conquerors for the outrage and violence to which they are being subjected.

In this connection, one of the characteristic features the present situation is the steadily growing isolation the Italo-German coalition and the depletion of its moral and political reserves in Europe, its growing weakness and disintegration.

The effect of the program of action of the Anglo-Soviet-American coalition has been that the people in all the occupied countries in Europe fully sympathize with the members of this coalition and are prepared to render them all the help of which they are capable.

In this connection, another characteristic feature of the present situation must be noted, namely, that the moral and political reserves of this coalition are growing from day to day in Europe -- and not only in Europe -- and that this coalition is steadily winning millions of sympathizers who are ready to join in the light against Hitler's tyranny.

If the relative strength of these two coalitions is examined from the standpoint of human and material resources, the conclusion one will be forced to arrive at is that the Anglo-Soviet-American coalition has the unquestionable advantage.

But the question is: Is this advantage alone sufficient for victory? As we know, cases occur when resources are abundant, hut they are expended so inefficiently that the advantage is lost. Obviously, what is needed in addition to resources is ability to mobilize and skill in expending them properly. Is there any reason to doubt that the men of the Anglo-Soviet-American coalition possess this ability and skill? Some people do doubt this. But what grounds have they for their doubts? In the past the men of this coalition have displayed ability and skill in mobilizing the resources of their countries and expending them rationally for the purpose of economic, cultural and political development. What grounds are there, then, for doubting that the men who have displayed skill and ability in mobilizing and distributing resources for economic, cultural and political purposes will prove capable of doing the same for the purpose of prosecuting the war? I think there are no such grounds.

It is said that the Anglo-Soviet-American coalition has every chance of winning, and would certainly win if it did not suffer from an organic defect which might weaken and disintegrate it. This defect, in the opinion of these people, is that this coalition consists of heterogeneous elements having different ideologies, and that this circumstance will prevent them from organizing joint action against the common enemy.

I think that this assertion is wrong.

It would be ridiculous to deny the difference in the ideologies and social systems of the various countries that constitute the Anglo-Soviet-American coalition. But does this preclude the possibility, and the expediency, of joint action on the part of the members of this coalition against the common enemy who threatens to enslave them? Certainly not. More than that. The very existence of this threat imperatively dictates the necessity of joint action among the members of the coalition in order to save mankind from reversion to savagery and mediaeval brutality. Is not the program of action of the Anglo-Soviet-American coalition a sufficient basis upon which to organize a joint struggle against Hitler tyranny and to vanquish it? I think it is quite sufficient.

These people's assumption is unsound also because it has been utterly refuted by the events of the past year. Indeed, if these people were right, we should be observing the steady mutual estrangement of the members of the Anglo-Soviet-American coalition. Far from this being the case, however, facts and events point to the steadily growing friendship among the members of the Anglo-Soviet-American coalition and to their amalgamation into a united fighting alliance. Events of the past year supply direct proof of this. In July 1941, several weeks after Germany attacked the U.S.S.R., Great Britain concluded with us an agreement "On Joint Action in the War Against Germany." At that time we had not yet any agreement with the United States of America on this subject. Ten months later, on May 26, 1942, during Comrade Molotov's visit to Great Britain, the latter concluded with us a "Treaty of Alliance in the War Against Hitlerite Germany and Her Associates in Europe and on Collaboration and Mutual Aid Thereafter." This treaty was concluded for a period of twenty years. It marks a historic turning point in the relations between our country and Great Britain. In June 1942, during Comrade Molotov's visit to the U.S.A., the United States of America concluded with us an "Agreement on the Principles Applicable to Mutual Aid in the Conduct of the War Against Aggression," which represented a substantial advance in the relations between the U.S.S.R. and the U.S.A. Lastly, mention must be made of so important a fact as the visit to Moscow of the British Prime Minister Mr. Churchill, during which complete mutual understanding was reached between the leaders of the two countries. There can be no doubt that all these facts point to the steadily growing friendship between the U.S.S.R., Great Britain and the United States of America and to their amalgamation in a fighting alliance against the Italo-German coalition.
It follows that the logic of facts is stronger than any other logic.
The only conclusion to be drawn is that the Anglo-Soviet-American coalition has every chance of vanquishing the Italo-German coalition, and that it certainly will do so.

5. OUR TASKS
The war has torn aside all veils and has laid bare all relationships. The situation has become so clear that nothing is easier than to define our tasks in this war.
In an interview with the Turkish General Erkilet, published in the Turkish newspaper Gumhuriet, that cannibal Hitler said: "We shall destroy Russia, so that she will never be able to rise again." This is clear enough, one would think, although it is rather silly. (L a u g h t e r.) We do not pursue the aim of destroying Germany, for it is impossible to destroy Germany, just as it is impossible to destroy Russia. But we can and must destroy the Hitler state. (L o u d a p p l a u s e.)
Our first task is, in fact, to destroy the Hitler state and its inspirers. (L o u d a p p l a u s e.)

In the same interview with the same general, that cannibal Hitler went on to say: "We shall continue the war as long as there is an organized military force in Russia." This is clear enough one would think, although illiterate. (L a u g h t e r.) We do not pursue the aim of destroying Germany's entire organized military force, for every literate person will understand that this is not only impossible as regards Germany, just as it is in regard to Russia, but also inadvisable from the point of view of the victor. But eve can and must destroy Hitler's army (L o u d a p p l a u s e.)

Our second task is, in fact, to destroy Hitler's army and its leaders. (L o u d a p p l a u s e.)

The Hitler scoundrels have made it their rule to torture Soviet war prisoners, to slay them in hundreds, and to condemn thousands of them to death by starvation. They outrage and slaughter the civil population of the occupied territories of our country, men and women, children and the aged, our brothers and sisters. They have set out to enslave or exterminate the population of the Ukraine, Byelorussia, the Baltic Republics, Moldavia, the Crimea and the Caucasus. Only villains and scoundrels destitute of all honour, who have sunk to the level of brutes, can commit such outrages against innocent and unarmed people. But that is not all. They have covered Europe with gallows and concentration camps. They have introduced the vile "hostage system." They shoot and hang absolutely innocent citizens whom they take as "hostages" because some German beast was prevented from raping women or robbing civilians. They have converted Europe into a prison of nations. And this they call the "new order in Europe." We know the men who are guilty of these outrages, the builders of this "new order in Europe," all those upstart governor-generals, or just ordinary governors, commandants and sub-commandants. Their names are known to tens of thousands of tormented people. Let these butchers know that they will not escape responsibility for their crimes or elude the hand of retribution of the tormented nations.

Our third task is to destroy the detestable "new order in Europe" and to punish its builders.
Such are our tasks. (L o u d a p p l a u s e.)
Comrades! We are waging a great war of liberation. We are not waging it alone, but in conjunction with our Allies. It will end in our victory over the vile foes of mankind, over the German fascist imperialists. On its standard is inscribed:
Hail the victory of the Anglo-Soviet-American fighting alliance! (A p p l a u s e.)
Hail the liberation of the nations of Europe from Hitler's tyranny! (A p p l a u s e.)
Hail the liberty and independence of our glorious Soviet motherland! (A p p l a u s e.)
Damnation and death to the German fascist invaders, to their state, their army, their "new order in Europe"! (A p p l a u s e.)
Glory to our Red Army! (L o u d a p p l a u s e.)
Glory to out Navy! (L o u d a p p l a u s e.)
Glory to our men and women partisans! (L o u d a n d p r o l o n g e d a p p l a u s e. A l l r i s e. O v a t i o n.)

ORDER OF THE DAY
OF THE PEOPLE'S COMMISSAR OF DEFENCE OF THE U.S.S.R.
No. 345
MOSCOW, NOVEMBER 7, 1942

Comrades, Red Armymen, commanders and political instructors, partisans, men and women! Working people of the Soviet Union!
On behalf of the Soviet Government and of our Bolshevik Party, I greet and congratulate you on the 26th Anniversary of the victory of the Great October Socialist Revolution.
A quarter of a century ago, under the leadership of the Bolshevik Party and our great Lenin, the workers and peasants established the Soviet regime in our country. Since then the peoples of the Soviet Union have traversed a glorious road. In the course of these twenty-five years our country grew into a mighty socialist industrial and collective-farm power. After winning their freedom and independence, the peoples of the Soviet State united in an indestructible, fraternal commonwealth. The Soviet peoples freed themselves from all oppression, and by their persevering labours secured for themselves a prosperous and cultured existence.

Today, the peoples of our country are celebrating the 25th Anniversary of the Great October Socialist Revolution amidst the conflagration of a fierce struggle against the German fascist invaders and their associates in Europe.

At the beginning of this year, in the winter, the Red Army inflicted severe blows on the German fascist troops. After repelling the German attack on Moscow, it took the initiative, passed to the offensive, and drove the German troops to the West, liberating a number of regions of our country from German slavery. By this the Red Army proved that, given certain favourable conditions, it can vanquish the German fascist troops.

In the summer, however, the situation at the front changed for the worse. Taking advantage of the absence of a second front in Europe, the Germans and their allies scraped together all their reserves, hurled them at our Ukrainian front, and broke through it. At the price of enormous losses the German fascist troops succeeded in advancing on the South, threatening Stalingrad, the Black Sea coast, Grozny and the approaches to Transcaucasia.

True, the staunchness and courage of the Red Army has thwarted the German plan to outflank Moscow on the East and strike at the capital of our country from the rear. The enemy has been checked at Stalingrad. But although checked at Stalingrad, and having already lost there tens of thousands of men and officers, the enemy is hurling new divisions into the battle and exerting his last efforts. The struggle on the Soviet-German front is becoming increasingly intense. On the outcome of this struggle depend the fate of the Soviet State, the freedom and independence of our country.

Our Soviet people have passed the test to which they have been subjected with flying colours and are imbued with unshakeable confidence in victory. This war has served as a stern test of the strength and stability of the Soviet system. The calculations of the German imperialists that the Soviet State would collapse proved to be utterly groundless. Socialist industry, the collective farm system, the friendship among the peoples of our country and the Soviet State have proved to be firm and indestructible. The workers and peasants and the entire intelligentsia of our country, everybody in the rear, is working conscientiously and self-sacrificingly to supply the needs of our armed forces.

The Red Army is bearing the brunt of the war against Hitler Germany and its associates. By its self-sacrificing struggle against the fascist armies it has won the love and respect of all the freedom-loving nations of the world. The men and commanders of the Red Army -- who had not had sufficient military experience before -- have learnt to strike the enemy unerring blows; to destroy his man power and material, to thwart the enemy's designs and staunchly to defend our towns and villages against the alien invaders. The heroic defenders of Moscow and Tula, of Odessa and Sevastopol, of Leningrad and Stalingrad have set an example of boundless courage, iron discipline, staunchness and ability to win. Our entire Red Army is following their heroic example. The enemy has already had a taste of the Red Army's power of resistance. It will yet learn the power of the Red Army's crushing blows.

There can be no doubt that the German invaders will plunge into new adventures. But the enemy's strength is already sapped and is now reaching its limit. During the course of the war, the Red Army has put out of action over 8,000,000 enemy men and officers. The Hitler army is now diluted with Rumanians, Hungarians, Italians and Finns and is much weaker than it was in the summer and autumn of 1941.

Comrades, Red Armymen, commanders and political instructors, partisans, men and women!
The defeat of the German fascist army and the clearing of our Soviet soil of the Hitler invaders depends upon your tenacity and staunchness, your military skill and readiness to perform your duty to your country;

We can and must clear our Soviet soil of the Hitler scum!
To achieve this we must:
1. Staunchly and stubbornly defend the line of our front, prevent the enemy from advancing any further, do everything to wear the enemy down, exterminate his man power and destroy his material;
2. In every way reinforce iron discipline, the strictest order and individual responsibility in our Army, perfect the military training of our troops and perseveringly and persistently prepare for a crushing blow at the enemy;
3. Fan the flames of popular guerilla warfare in the enemy's rear, destroy the enemy's bases and exterminate the German fascist scoundrels.
Comrades!
The enemy has already felt the weight of the Red Army's blows at Rostov, Moscow and Tikhvin. The day is not far distant when the enemy will again feel the weight of the Red Army's blows. Our turn will come!

Hail the 25th Anniversary of the Great October Socialist Revolution!
Long live our Red Army!
Long live our Navy!
Long live our brave men and women guerilla fighters!
Death to the German fascist invaders!
J. Stalin
People's Commissar of Defence
of the U.S.S.R.