Greetings Message to Moscow and more

<"GreetingsMoscow">Greetings Message to Moscow

September 8, 1947

Greetings to Moscow, the capital of our country, on its 800th anniversary.

The entire country is today celebrating this significant day. It is celebrating it no”t formally, but with feelings of love and reverence, because of ? the great services Moscow has rendered our country.

The services which Moscow has rendered are not only that it thrice in the course of the history of our country liberated her from foreign oppression – from the Mongolian yoke, from Polish-Lithuanian invasion and from French incursion. The service Moscow rendered is primarily that it became the basis for uniting disunited Russia into a single state, with a single government and a single leadership. No country in the world can count on preserving its independence, on real economic and cultural growth, if it has not succeeded in liberating itself from feudal disunity and strife among princes. Only a country which is united in a single, centralized state can count on the possibility of real cultural and economic growth, on the possibility of firmly establishing its independence. The historic service which Moscow rendered is that it has been and remains the basis and the initiator in the creation of a centralized state in Russia.

But this is not the only service that Moscow has rendered our country. After Moscow, by the will of our great Lenin, was again proclaimed the capial of our country, it became the banner bearer of the new, Soviet epoch.

Moscow is today not only the inspirer in the building of the new, Soviet social and economic order, which substituted the rule of Labour for the rule of capital and rejected the exploitation of man by man. Moscow is also the herald of the movement for the liberation of toiling mankind from capitalist slavery.

Moscow is today not only the inspirer in the building of the new, Soviet democracy, which rejects all, direct or indirect, inequality of citizens, sexes, races and nations, and ensures the right to work and the right to equal pay for equal work. Moscow is also the banner of the struggle which all the working people in the world, all the oppressed races and nations, are waging to liberate themselves from the rule of plutocracy and imperialism. There can be no doubt that without this policy Moscow could not have become the centre of organization of the friendship of nations and of their fraternal cooperation in our multi-national state.

Moscow is today not only the initiator in the building of the new way of life of the working people of the capital, a life free from want and wretchedness suffered by millions of poor and unemployed. Moscow is also a model for all the capitals in the world in this respect. One of the gravest sores of the large capitals of countries in Europe, Asia and America are the slums in which millions of impoverished working people are doomed to wretchedness and a slow and painful death. The service which Moscow has rendered is that it completely abolished these slums and gave the working people the opportunity to move out of their cellars and hovels into the apartments and houses of the bourgeoisie and into the new comfortable houses which have been built by the Soviet authorities.

Lastly, the service Moscow renders is that it is the herald of the struggle for durable peace and friendship among the nations, the herald of the struggle against the incendiaries of a new war. For the imperialists, war is the most profitable undertaking. It is not surprising that the agents of imperialism are trying, in ‘one way or another, to provoke a new war. The service which Moscow renders is that it unceasingly exposes the incendiaries of a new war and rallies around the banner of peace all the peace-loving nations. It is common knowledge that the peace-loving nations look with hope to Moscow as the capital of the great peace-loving power and as a mighty bulwark of peace.

It is because of these services that our country is today celebrating the 800th anniversary of Moscow with such love and reverence for her capital.

Long live our mighty, beloved, Soviet, Socialist Moscow!

J. Stalin

("Soviet Calender 1917 - 1947")

<"LetterFinland">Letter to the State President of Finland, Paasikivi

Proposal of the Soviet government on the conclusion of a Soviet-Finnish Friendship, Cooperation and Support Treaty

February 22, 1948

Mr. President!

As you know, two out of three of the countries bordering the U.S.S.R., that stood on the side of Germany against the U.S.S.R. during the war, namely Hungary and Rumania, have signed a support treaty against an eventual German aggression with the U.S.S.R.

As is also known, our two countries stood together strongly in sympathy throughout this aggression, in which we, together with you, bear the responsibility before our peoples if we allow the repetition of such an aggression.

I am of the opinion that a support treaty with the U.S.S.R., against an eventual German aggression is of no less, interest for Finland than for Rumania and Hungary.

Out of these considerations and from the wish to create better relations between our countries for the strengthening of peace and security, the Soviet government offers the conclusion of a Soviet-Finnish Friendship, Cooperation and Support Treaty like the Hungarian-Soviet and Rumanian-Soviet treaties.

Should there be no objections from the Finnish side, I would propose that a Finnish delegation be sent to the U.S.S.R. to conclude such a treaty.

Should it be more convenient for you to carry through the negotiations and the conclusion of the treaty in Finland, the Soviet government offers to send their delegation to Helsinki.

Yours respectfully,

J. Stalin
Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the U.S.S.R.

("Daily Review," No. 52, 2 March, 1948)

<"SpeechFinland">Speech given at the dinner in honour of the Finish Government Delegation

April 7, 1948

I would like to say a few words about the significance of the Treaty of Friendship and Mutual Help between the Soviet Union and Finland, which was signed yesterday.

This treaty signifies a change in the relations between our countries. As it is known, in the course of 150 years of relations between Russia and Finland there has been mutual distrust. The Finns distrusted the Russians, the Russians distrusted the Finns. From the Soviet side there resulted an attempt in the past to break the distrust that stood between the Russians and the Finns. That was at the time that Lenin, in 1917, proclaimed the independence of Finland. From an historical point of view, that was an outstanding act. But sadly the distrust was not thereby broken – the distrust stayed distrust. The result was two wars between us.

I would like us to go over from the long period of mutual distrust in the course of which we went to war with each other twice, to a new period in our relations: the period of mutual trust.

It is necessary that the conclusion of this treaty breaks this distrust and builds a new basis for relations between our peoples and that it signifies a great change in the relations between our countries towards trust and friendship.

We want this acknowledged not only by those present in this hall, but also by those outside this hall, as much in Finland as in the Soviet Union.

One must not believe that the distrust, between our peoples can be removed all at once. That is not done so quickly. For a long time there will be remnants of this distrust, for the abolition of which one must work and struggle hard, and to build and strengthen a tradition of mutual friendship between the U.S.S.R. and Finland.

There are treaties that are based upon equality and some that are not. The Soviet-Finnish treaty is a treaty that is based upon equality, it has been concluded on the basis of full equality of the partners.

Many believe that between a big and little nation there cannot be relations which are based on equality. But we Soviet people are of the opinion that such relations can and should exist. We Soviet people are of the opinion that every nation, great or small, has special- qualities that only they have and no other nation possesses. These peculiarities are their contribution, that every nation should contribute, to the common treasure of the culture of the world. In this sense, all nations, big and small, are in the same situation, and’ every nation is as equally important as the next nation.

So the Soviet people are of the opinion that Finland, although a small country, is in this treaty, as equal a partner as the Soviet Union.

You do not find many politicians of the great powers that would regard the small nations as the equals of the larger nations. Most of them look down upon the small nations. They are not disinclined, occasionally, to make a onesided guarantee for a small nation. These politicians do not, in general, conclude treaties which depend on equality, with small nations, as they do not regard small nations as their partners.

I propose a toast to the Soviet-Finnish treaty, and to the change for the better in the relations between our countries that this treaty signifies.

("Pravda," 13 April, 1948)

<"AnswerWallace">Answer to the Open Letter of Henry Wallace

May 17, 1948

I believe that among the political documents of recent times, that have the strengthening of peace, the furthering of international cooperation and the securing of democracy as their aims, the open letter of Henry Wallace, the presidential candidate of the Third Party in the U.S.A., is the most important.

The open letter of Wallace cannot be regarded as a mere exposition of the wish to improve the international situation, as an exposition of the wish for a peaceful settlement of the differences of opinion between the Soviet Union and the U.S.A., and the wish to find a way towards such a settlement. The declaration of the government of the U.S.A. of 4 May, and the answer of the Soviet government of 9 May are, therefore, insufficient, because they do not go so far as to declare that the settlement of the Soviet-American differences of opinion is desirable.

The great importance of the open letter lies in the fact that it is not limited just to that, to giving a declaration, but rather exceeds that, - a more important step, an advance, -and proposes a concrete programme for the peaceful settlement of the differences of opinion between the Soviet Union and the U.S.A.

One cannot say that the open letter of Wallace invariably deals with all the differences. One also cannot say that none of the formulas and opinions in the open letter need to be improved. But that is not the important thing at the moment. The important thing is that Wallace, in his letter, makes an open and honest attempt to work out a peaceful programme for a peaceful settlement and gives concrete proposals on all the points of difference between the Soviet Union and the U.S.A.

These proposals are generally known:

General limitation of armaments and the forbidding of atomic weapons. Conclusion of a peace treaty with Germany and Japan and the withdrawal of the troops from these countries.

Withdrawal of the troops from China and Korea.

Consideration for the right of nations to self-determination and non-interference in their internal affairs.

Forbidding the building of military bases in the countries that belong to the United Nations.

Development of international trade in every area, with the elimination of all discrimination.

Help and rebuilding within the framework of the United Nations for countries that suffered from the war.

Defence of democracy and the securing of civil rights in all countries, etc.

One can be for or against these proposals; but no statesman that has anything to do with the matter of peace and cooperation of nations can ignore this programme, which reflects the hopes and longing of the peoples for the strengthening of peace, and which, without doubt, will find the support of millions of the common people.

I do not know whether the government of the U.S.A. acknowledges the programme of Wallace as a basis for understanding between the U.S.S.R. and the U.S.A. As far as the government of the U.S.S.R. is concerned, we believe that the programme of Wallace could be a good and fruitful foundation for such understanding and for the development of international cooperation, because the government of the U.S.S.R. is of the opinion that despite the differences in their economic systems and ideologies, these systems can live side by side and that peaceful settlement of the differences between the U.S.S.R. and the U.S.A. is not only possible, but also absolutely necessary in the interests of general peace.

("Pravda," 18 May, 1948)

<"Greetings_Telegram_from_Stalin_and">Greetings Telegram from Stalin and Molotov to the President of the Czechoslovakian Republic Klement Gottwald

On the occasion of the election of Klement Gottwald as President of the Czechoslovakion Republic

June 17, 1948

Accept our sincere good wishes on the victory of people's democracy and on your election as President of the Czechoslovakian Republic.

J. Stalin – V. Molotov

("Daily Review," Berlin Ed., No. 139, 17 June, 1948)

<"Telegram_to_the_Central_Committee_of_the">Telegram to the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Italy

On the occasion of the criminal attempt on the life of Comrade Togliatti

July 14, 1948

To the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Italy.

The Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolshevik) is shocked over the criminal attempt by worthless elements on the life of the leader of the working class and all the Italian working people, our beloved Comrade Togliatti.

The Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolshevik) is grieved that the friends of Comrade Togliatti were unsuccessful in protecting him from the treacherous ambush.

In the name of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.

J. Stalin

("Pravda" 15 July, 1948)

<"AnswerKorea">Answering letter to the Chairman of the Cabinet of Ministers of the Korean People's Democratic Republic Kim Ir Sen

On the question of the establishment of diplomatic and economicr relations between the U.S.S.R. and the Korean People's Democratic Republic

October 12, 1948

To Mr. Kim Ir Sen, Chairman of the Cabinet of Ministers of the Korean People's Democratic Republic.

I confirm that I have received your letter of 8 October, in which you inform us that the government of the Korean People's Democratic Republic steps towards exercising its duty, and proposes to establish diplomatic relations with the U.S.S.R., to exchange ambassadors which also comply with the establishment of economic relations between the two states.

The Soviet government that is unchangeably for the right of the Korean people to commence the building of an united, independent state, greets the establishment of the Korean government and wishes them success in their work for the national rebirth and the democratic development of Korea. The Soviet government declares its readiness to establish diplomatic relations between the U.S.S.R. and the Korean People's Democratic Republic, to exchange ambassadors and to immediately establish complementary economic relations.

J. Stalin

("Pravda" 13 October, 1948)

<"BerlinCrisis">Berlin Crisis, the U.N. and Anglo-American Agressive Policies, Churchill *

October 28, 1948

[Interview with correspondent of Pravda, October 28, 1948]

Question: How do you regard the results of the discussions in the Security Council on the question of the situation in Berlin and the conduct of the Anglo-American and French representatives in this matter?

Answer: I regard them as a display of the aggressiveness of the policy of Anglo-American and French ruling circles.

Question: Is it true that in August of this year agreement had already been reached among the four powers on the question of Berlin?

Answer: Yes, that is true. Agreement is known to have been reached in Moscow on August 30 last, among the representatives of the U.S.S.R., the U.S.A., Great Britain, and France regarding the simultaneous implementation of measures for the lifting of transport restrictions, on the one hand, and for the introduction of the German mark of the Soviet zone in Berlin as the sole currency, on the other hand. That agreement does not hurt anyone’s prestige. It takes into account the interests of the parties concerned and insures the possibility of further co-operation. But the governments of the U.S.A. and Great Britain disavowed then representatives in Moscow and declared the agreement to be null and void, that is, they violated the agreement, having decided to refer the question to the Security Council where the Anglo-Americans have a guaranteed majority.

Question: Is it true that, in Paris during the recent discussions on the question in the Security Council, an agreement on the situation in Berlin had again been reached in unofficial talks even before the question was voted upon in the Security Council?

Answer: Yes. That is true. Dr. Bramuglia, the representative of the Argentine and president of the Security Council, who conducted unofficial talks with Comrade Vishinsky on behalf of the other powers concerned, did have in his hands an agreed-upon draft decision on the question of the situation in Berlin. But the representatives of the U.S.A. and Great Britain once again declared that agreement to be null and void.

Question: What is the matter then? Would you explain?

Answer: The thing is that those in the United States and Great Britain who inspire an aggressive policy do not consider themselves interested in an agreement and in co-operation with the U.S.S.R. What they want is not agreement and co-operation, but talk about agreement and co-operation, so as to put the blame on the U.S.S.R. by preventing agreement and thus to “prove” that co-operation with the U.S.S.R. is impossible. What the war instigators who are striving to unleash a new war fear most of all is the reaching of agreements and co-operation with the U.S.S.R. because a policy of concord with the U.S.S.R. undermines the position of the instigators of war and deprives the aggressive policy of these gentlemen of any purpose.

It is for this reason that they disrupt agreements that have already been reached, that they disavow their representatives who have drawn up such agreements together with the U.S.S.R., and in violation of the United Nations Charter refer the question to the Security Council, where they have a guaranteed majority and where they can “prove” whatever they like. All this is done to “show” that co-operation with the U.S.S.R. is impossible and to “show” the necessity for a new war, and thus to prepare the ground for the unleashing of war. The policy of the present leaders of the U.S.A. and Great Britain is a policy of aggression, a policy of unleashing a new war.

Question: How should one regard the conduct of the representatives of the six states, members of the Security Council: of China, Canada, Belgium, Argentina, Colombia, and Syria?

Answer: Those gentlemen are obviously lending their support to the policy of aggression, to the policy of unleashing a new war.

Question: What can all this end in?

Answer: It can only end in ignominious failure on the part of the instigators of a new war. Churchill, the main instigator of a new sear, has already managed to deprive himself of the trust of his own nation and of democratic forces throughout the world. The same fate lies in store for all other instigators of war. The horrors of the recent war are still too fresh in the memory of the peoples; and public forces favoring peace are too strong for Churchill’s pupils in aggression to overpower them and to turn them toward a new war.

(For Peaceful Coexistence: Post War Interviews, International Publishers, New York, 1951)

<"BerlinDisarmament">Berlin, Disarmament, Stalin-Truman Meeting *

January 27, 1949

[Interview with Kingsbury Smith, representative of International News Service, January 27, 1949]

Question: Would the government of the U.S.S.R. be prepared to consider the issuance of a joint declaration with the government of the United States of America, asserting that the respective governments have no intention of resorting to war against one another?

Answer: The Soviet government would be prepared to consider the issuance of such a declaration.

Question: Would the government of the U.S.S.R, be prepared to join with the government of the United States of America in measures designed to implement this pact of peace, such as gradual disarmament?

Answer: Naturally, the government of the U.S.S.R. could cooperate with the government of the United States of America in taking measures designed to implement this pact of peace and leading to gradual disarmament.

Question: If the governments of the United States of America, the United Kingdom, and France agreed to postpone the establishment of a separate Western German state, pending a meeting of the Council of Foreign Ministers to consider the German problem as a whole, would the Government of the U.S.S.R. be prepared to remove the restrictions which the Soviet authorities have imposed on communications between Berlin and the Western zones of Germany?

Answer: Provided the United States of America, Great Britain, and France observe the conditions set forth in the third question, the Soviet government sees no obstacles to lifting transport restrictions, on the understanding, however, that transport and trade restrictions introduced by the three Powers should be lifted simultaneously.

Question: Would Your Excellency be prepared to confer with President Truman at a mutually suitable place to discuss the possibility of concluding such a pact of peace?

Answer: I have already stated before that there is no objection to a meeting.

(For Peaceful Coexistence: Post War Interviews, International Publishers, New York, 1951)

<"AnswerSmith">Answer to Kingsbury Smith

On the question of a meeting with Truman

February 2, 1949

To Mr. Kingsbury Smith, European General Director of the "International News Service" Agency.

I have received your telegram of 1 February.

I thank President Truman for the invitation to Washington. It i has long been my wish to travel to Washington, as I formerly said to President Roosevelt in Yalta and to President Truman in Potsdam. Sadly, I do not have the possibility of realizing my wish at present, as the doctor has decided against my making a long journey, especially by sea or air.

The government of the Soviet Union would greet a visit from the President to the U.S.S.R. One could hold a conference in Moscow, Leningrad or in Kaliningrad, Odessa or Yalta, whichever the President chooses, - of course, in so far as it presents no inconvenience.

However, if this proposal meets with objections, one could hold a meeting in Poland or in Czechoslovakia, at the President’s convenience.

Respectfully,
J. Stalin

("New World," February 1949, p. 4)

<"TelegramMongolia">Answering Telegram to the Minister President of the Mongolian People's Republic – Marshal Tshoibalsan

On the occasion of the third. anniversary of the signing of the Friendship and Support Treaty between the U.S.S.R. and the Mongolian People’ s Republic

March 1, 1949

To the Prime Minister of the Mongolian People’s Republic, Marshal Tshoibalsan.

I thank you, and in your person, the government of the Mongolian People’s Republic for the warm congratulations on the third anniversary of the Treaty of Friendship and Support concluded between our countries.

I am convinced that because of this treaty the further development of cooperation between our countries will broaden and strengthen the basis of friendship between our peoples and will promote their prosperity.

J. Stalin

("Daily Review," Berlin Ed., No. 51, 2 March, 1949)

<"TelegramPoland">Telegram to the Minister President of the People's Republic of Poland Josef Cyrankiewicz

On the occasion of the fourth anniversary of the Soviet-Polish Treaty of Friendship

April 21, 1949

On the occasion of the fourth anniversary of the Soviet-Polish Treaty of Friendship, Mutual Assistance and Cooperation after the war, I send you, Mr. Minister President, my sincere best wishes.

Accept my wishes for the further success ‘of the Polish people and for the thriving of the Polish People’s Republic, for the strengthening of the friendship and alliance between our countries.

J. Stalin

("Daily Review," Berlin Ed., No. 93, 22 April, 1949)

<"ObituaryDimitrov">Obituary of G.M. Dimitrov **

Georgi Mikhailovitch Dimitrov was born on June 18, 1882, in the town of Radomir, of a proletarian revolutionary family. When he was only 15 years old, the young Dimitrov, working as a compositor in a printshop, joined the revolutionary movement and took an active part in the work of the oldest Bulgarian trade union of printers.

In 1902, Dimitrov joined the Bulgarian Workers’ Social Democratic Party. He actively combated revisionism on the side of the revolutionary Marxist wing of Tesnyaki led by Dimitri Blagoyev.

The self-sacrificing revolutionary struggle of Dimitrov earned him the warm love of the revolutionary workers of Bulgaria, who, in 1905, elected him secretary of the Alliance of Revolutionary Trade Associations of Bulgaria. In that post he remained right up to 1923, when that alliance was disbanded by the fascists.

While leading the struggle of the Bulgarian proletariat, Dimitrov displayed courage and staunchness in the revolutionary struggles, was repeatedly arrested and persecuted. In the September armed uprising of 1923 in Bulgaria he headed the Central Revolutionary Committee, set an example of revolutionary fearlessness, unflinching staunchness and devotion to the cause of the working class. For his leadership of the armed uprising in 1923 the fascist court sentenced Dimitrov in his absence to death. In 1926, after the provocative trial, engineered by the fascists, against the leadership of the Communist Party, Dimitrov was again sentenced to death in his absence.

Compelled, in 1923, to emigrate from Bulgaria, Dimitrov led the life of a professional revolutionary. He worked actively in the Executive Committee of the Communist International.

In 1933, he was arrested in Berlin for revolutionary activity. During the Leipzig Trial, Dimitrov became the standard-bearer of the struggle against fascism and imperialist war. His heroic conduct in the court, the words of wrath which he flung in the face of the fascists, exposing their infamous provocation in connection with the Reichstag fire, unmasked the fascist provocateurs and roused new millions of workers throughout the world to the struggle against fascism.

In 1935, Dimitrov was elected General Secretary of the Executive Committee of the Communist International. He waged a persistent struggle for the creation and consolidation of the united proletarian and popular front for the struggle against fascism, against the war which the fascist rulers of Germany, Japan and Italy were preparing. He called untiringly on the masses of the working people of all countries to rally around the Communist Parties in order to bar the way to the Fascist aggressors.

Dimitrov did great work in the ranks of the international Communist movement in forging the leading cadres of Communist Parties loyal to the great teachings of Marxism-Leninism, to the principles of proletarian internationalism, to the cause of the defense of the interests of the people’s masses in their respective countries.

During the Second World War, Georgi Dimitrov called on the Communists to head the national-liberation anti-fascist movement, and tirelessly worked at organizing all patriotic forces for the rout of the fascist invaders. He led the struggle of the Bulgarian Workers’ Party (Communists) and all Bulgarian patriots who rose in arms against the German-fascist invaders.

For his outstanding services in the struggle against fascism he was, in 1945, awarded the Order of Lenin by the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R.

After the defeat of fascist Germany, Georgi Mikhailovitch Dimitrov led the building of the new People’s Democratic Republic of Bulgaria, and laid the foundation for the eternal friendship between the Bulgarian people and the peoples of the Soviet Union. Untiringly working for the consolidation of the united anti-imperialist camp and the rallying of all democratic forces, Georgi Mikhailovitch Dimitrov mercilessly exposed the betrayal of the cause of Socialism and the united anti-imperialist front by Tito’s nationalist clique.

In the person of Dimitrov, the working people of the whole world have lost an ardent fighter, who gave all his heroic life to the supreme service of the cause of the working class, the cause of Communism. The death of Dimitrov is a great loss to the whole international working class and Communist movement, to all fighters for lasting peace and a people’s democracy. By his self-sacrificing struggle in the ranks of the working-class movement, by his boundless devotion to the great teachings of Lenin and Stalin, Dimitrov earned the warm love of the working people of the whole world.

The life of Dimitrov, loyal comrade-in-arms of Lenin and Stalin, staunch revolutionary and anti-fascist champion, will serve as an inspiring example to all fighters for the cause of peace and democracy, for Communism.

Farewell, our dear friend and comrade-in-arms!

(Signed) Andreyev, Beria, Bulganin, Voroshilov, Kaganovitch, Kosygin, Malenkov, Mikoyan, Molotov, Ponomarenko, Popov, Pospelov, Stalin, Suslov, Khrushchev, Shvernik, Shkiryatov.

<"TelegramBulgaria">Telegram to the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the People's Republic of Bulgaria – Vassil Kolaroff

On the occasion of the fifth anniverasry of the liberation of Bulgaria

September, 1949

I greet the government of the Bulgarian People's Republic, and you personally, on the national holiday celebrating the fifth anniversary of the liberation of Bulgaria. I send best wishes to the fraternal Bulgarian people.

J. Stalin

("Daily Review," Vol. 2, No. 213, 10 September, 1949)

<"GreetingsCachin">Greetings Telegram to Comrade Marcel Cachin

On the occasion of his 80th Birthday

September 20, 1949

To Comrade Cachin,

Dear Comrade Cachin,

Permit me, on your 80th birthday, to congratulate you, as the founder of the Communist Party of France, as the faithful son of the French people and as the eminent leader of the international workers movement.

I wish you health and long life, for the well-being of the French people and the people of all the world.

With fraternal greetings.

J. Stalin

("Pravda," 24 September, 1949)

<"PeaceEurope">Peace in Europe *

October 13, 1949

[Greetings to the President and Prime Minister of the German Democratic Republic, October 13, 1949]

Allow me to congratulate you and, in your persons, the German people, on the creation of the German Democratic Republic and the election of the former to the presidency and the latter as Prime Minister of the German Democratic Republic.

The formation of the peace-loving German Democratic Republic is a turning point in the history of Europe. There can be no doubt that the existence of a peace-loving democratic Germany side by side with the existence of the peace-loving Soviet Union excludes the possibility of new wars in Europe, puts an end to bloodshed in Europe, and makes impossible the enslaving of European countries by the world imperialists.

The experience of the recent war showed that the biggest sacrifices in this war were borne by the German and Soviet peoples, and that these two peoples possess the greatest potentialities in Europe for accomplishing great actions of world importance. If these two peoples display determination to fight for peace, straining their energies to the same extent as they did to wage war, peace in Europe may then be considered as secured.

Thus laying the foundation for a unified, democratic, and peace-loving Germany, you simultaneously perform a great deed for all of Europe, guaranteeing her lasting peace.

You need not doubt that in advancing along this road and promoting the cause of peace you will find great sympathy and active support among all the peoples of the world, including the American, British, French, Polish, Czechoslovak, and Italian peoples, let alone the peace-loving Soviet people. I wish you success on this new and glorious road. May unified, independent, democratic, peace-loving Germany live and prosper!

(For Peaceful Coexistence: Post War Interviews, International Publishers, New York, 1951)

<"AnswerKorea2">Answering Telegram to the Chairman of the Cabinet of Ministers of the Korean People's Democratic Republic Kim Ir Sen

On the occasion of the establishment of diplomatic relations between the U.S.S.R. and the Korean People’s Democratic Republic

October 14, 1949

Mr. Chairman, I thank you for your expression of friendship and good wishes on the anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between the Korean People’s Democratic Republic and the U.S.S.R.

I wish the Korean people further success in the building of their People’s Democratic Republic.

J. Stalin

("Daily Review," No. 234, 16 October, 1949)

<"GreetingsCzech">Greetings Telegram to the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Czechoslovakian Republic Antonin Zapotocky

On the occasion of the thirty-first anniversary of the founding of the Czechoslovakian Republic

October 28, 1949

I send the government of the Czechoslovakian Republic and the fraternal people of Czechoslovakia friendly greetings and also wishes for their further success.

J. Stalin

("New Germany," No. 254, 29 October, 1949)

<"TelegramGDR">Telegram of Thanks to the Minister President of the German Democratic Republic, Otto Grotewohl

On the occasion of the thirty-second anniversary of the Great Socialist October Revolution

November, 1949

I thank you and, through you, the Provisional government of the German Democratic Republic, on behalf of the Soviet government and myself, for the congratulations on the anniversary of the Socialist October Revolution.

J. Stalin

("New Germany," No. 275, 24 November, 1949)

<"TelegramCzech2">Telegram to the Chairman of Ministers of the Chechoslovakian Republic, Antonin Zapotocky

On the occasion of the sixth anniversary of the signing of the Treaty of Friendship and Mutual Support between the U..S.S.R. and the Czechoslovakian Republic

December 13, 1949

To Mr. A. Zapotocky, Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Chechoslovakian Republic.

On the sixth anniversary of the signing of the Treaty of Friendship and Mutual Assistance between the U.S.S.R. and the Czechoslovakian Republic, please accept, Mr. Prime Minister, my friendly greetings to the people of the Czechoslovakian Republic, to your government and to you personally.

I wish the Czechoslovakian Republic well and the further strengthening of the alliance and friendship between the Soviet and Czechoslovakian peoples.

J. Stalin

("Daily Review," No. 293, 14 December, 1949)

<"LetterStalin">Open Letter from Stalin and his Closest Associates to the District Election Commissions

On the occasion of the elections to the Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R. of 12 March, 1950

February 17, 1950

Open letter to the District Election Commissions

All of the undersigned have received telegrams from different works, kolkhozes and election councils of electors of the different areas and districts, about our nominations as deputy candidates to the Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R. in a whole series of election districts.

We thank all the electors that nominated us as candidates for giving us their trust.

We hold it necessary, however, to declare that, by law, each of us may stand for election in only one election district; we, as Communists and members of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of ttje Soviet Union (Bolshevik), have got to follow the directives of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolshevik). The Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolshevik) has instructed us to withdraw our candidature in other districts and to stand for election in the following election districts:

Andreyev, A.A. – for the Union Soviet in the election district of Aschchabad, Turkmenian S.S.R.

Beria, L.P. – for the Union Soviet in the Stalin electoral district of the city of Tsibilisk, Georgian S.S.R.

Budyonny, S.M. – for the Union Soviet in the electoral district of Shepetovka, Ukrainian S.S.R.

Bulganin, N.A. – for the National Soviet in the Moscow city electoral district.

Voroshilov, K.E. – for the Union Soviet in the Minsk city electoral district, Byelorussian S.S.R.

Kaganovitch, L.M. – for the Union Soviet in the Lenin electoral district of the city of Tashkent, Usbek S.S.R.

Kosygin, A.N. – for the National Soviet in the Invanovo election district.

Malenkov, G.M. – for the Union Soviet in the Leningrad election district of the city of Moscow.

Mikoyan, A.J. – for the National Soviet in the Stalin electoral district of Yerevan, Armenian S.S.R.

Mikhailov, N.A. – for the National Soviet in the Stavropoli electoral district.

Molotov, W.M. – for the Union Soviet in the Molotov electoral district in the city of Moscow.

Ponomarenko, P.K. – for the Union Soviet in the Minsk-Land electoral district, Byelorussian S.S.R.

Stalin, J.V. - for the Union Soviet in the Stalin electoral district in the city of Moscow,

Suslov, M.A.–- for the Union Soviet in the Lenin electoral district in the city of Saratov.

Krushchev, N.S. – for the Union Soviet in the Kalinin electoral district of the city of Moscow.

Shvernik, N.M. – for the National Soviet in the Sverdlovsk electoral district.

Shkiryatov, M.F. – for the National Soviet in the Tula-Ryasan electoral district.

We follow these directives of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolshevik).

We ask the appropriate electoral districts to take notice of this declaration and to take it into consideration in their documents of registration of deputy candidates. Andreyev, A.A., Beria, L.P., Budyonny, S.M., Bul-ganin, N.A., Voroshilov, K.E., Kaganovitch, L.M., Kosygin, A.N., Malenkov, G.M., Mikoyan, A.J., Mikhailov, N.A., Molotov, W.M., Ponomarenko, P.K., Stalin, J.V., Suslov, M.A., Krushchev, N.S., Shvernik, N.M., Shkiryatov, M.F.

("New Germany," Berlin Ed., No. 43, 19 February 1950)

<"TelegramRumania">Telegram to the Minister President of the Rumanian People's Republic Petru Groza

On the occasion of the second anniversary of the signing of the Soviet-Rumanian Treaty of Friendship and Mutual Assistance

March, 1950

Please accept, Mr. Minister President, my thanks for your good wishes on the second anniversary of the signing of the Soviet-Rumanian Treary of Friendship and Mutual Assistance. I am convinced that this treaty will continue to strengthen the alliance and friendship between the peoples of our countries.

Please accept my best wishes for you and for the Rumanian government.

J. Stalin

("Daily Review," No. 59, 10 March, 1950)

<"TelegramHungary">Telegram of Thanks to the Central Committee of the Hungarian Workers' Party and the Hungarian Government and to the Presidium of the Hungarian People's Republic

April, 1950

I ask the Central Committee of the Hungarian Workers’ Party, the Council of Ministers and the Presidium of the Hungarian People’s Republic to accept my sincere thanks for your friendly greetings on the occasion of the fifth anniversary of the liberation of Hungary by the Soviet army.

J. Stalin

("Daily Review," No. 86, 13 April, 1950)

<"TelegramThorez">Telegram to Comrade Maurice Thorez

On the occasion of his 50th Birthday

April 28, 1950

To Comrade Maurice Thorez

Dear Comrade Thorez!

Allow me to greet and congratulate you on your 50th birthday.

All the peoples of the world, the workers of all countries know and treasure you as the tested and true leader of the French Communists, as the leader of the French workers and working peasants in their mutual struggle for the strengthening of peace, the victory of democracy and socialism all over the world.

The Soviet people know and love you as their friend and as the steadfast fighter for the friendship and alliance of the peoples of France and the Soviet Union.

I wish you further success in your work for the well-being of the French people and for all the working people of the world.

Fraternal greetings.

J. Stalin

("New Germany," Berlin Ed., No. 100, 29 April, 1950)

<"TelegramGDR3">Telegram to the Minister President of the German Democratic Republic Otto Grotewohl

On the occasion of the fifth anniversary of the liberation of the German people from the fascist tyranny

May 11, 1950

To the Minister President of the German Democratic Republic, Mr. Otto Grotewohl.

1 thank, you and, through you, the government of the German Democratic Republic, for your message of greetings on the occasion of the fifth anniversary of the liberation of the German people from the fascist tyranny.

I am convinced that the friendly relations between the German Democratic Republic and the Soviet Union will further develop successfully for the well-being of our peoples and in the interests of the peace and cooperation of all peace-loving countries.

J. Stalin

("New World," May 1950, p. 1)

<"LetterGDR4">Letter to the Minister President of the German Democratic Republic Otto Grotewohl

On the reduction of Germany's repartation payments

May 15, 1950

Dear Mr. Minister President,

The Soviet government has examined the request of the government of the German Democratic Republic on the reduction of the reparation sum to be paid by Germany.

The Soviet government has, at the same time, borne in mind that the German Democratic Republic has been conscientious and regular in their fulfilment of their reparation obligation, which is charged as high as 10 billion dollars, and that by the end of 1950 an important part of this obligation, as much as 3658 million dollars, wijl have been realized.

Led by the wish to ease the efforts of the German people in the reconstruction and development of the people’s economy in Germany, and bearing in mind the friendly relations between the Soviet Union and the German Democratic Republic, the Soviet government has decided, with the agreement of the government of the Polish Republic, to reduce the remaining sum of ‘the reparation bill by 50%, to 3171 million dollars.

In agreement with the declaration of the government of the U.S.S.R. at the Moscow Conference of Foreign Ministers in March 1947, and the settlement of a twenty year term for the payment of reparation, the Soviet government has further decided to accept payment of the remaining part of the reparation bill in German goods (as much as 3171 million dollars) out of the production of fifteen years running, starting with the year 1951 up to the year 1965, inclusive

With deep esteem,

J. Stalin
Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the U.S.S.R.

("Daily Review" No. 113, 17 May, 1950)

<"TelegramFDJ">Telegram to the Central Council of the Free German Youth

June 2, 1950

To the Central Council of the Free German Youth.

I thank the young German peace fighters, members of the All-German Youth Conference, for their greetings.

1 wish the German youth, the active builders of an united, democratic and peace-loving Germany, success in this great work.

J. Stalin

("New Germany," Berlin Ed., No. 125, 2 June, 1950)