Kalinin to Stalin

Bolshevik leadership Correspondence. 1912-1927
Collection of documents 1996.
Compiled by: A.V.Kvashonkin, L.P.Kosheleva, L.A.Rogovaya, O.V.Khlevnyuk.

Stalin Correspondences

M. I. Kalinin to I. V. Stalin

[August 1924]

T. Stalin.

I. I did not express my opinion on the issues under discussion at your meeting of the Central Committee, mainly because I could not immediately comprehend the ongoing phenomenon 1 .

There is nothing special, nothing unusual about the fact that a part of the leading group of the Central Committee members gathers and predetermines this or that important decision. In each party there is such a group or one person who gives the direction, the tone, unites the mass of the party by its authority.

The more class-controlled and politically shaped the party, the more prestige the leading group enjoys; it is the universally recognized spokesman for the party. The individual parts of the Party are each striving to win it over to their own side, linking with this the transition to their point of view of the majority of the Party, that is, of the entire Party.

Now the leading group is looked upon as an unquestionably universally recognized group—an all-Party group.

I did not hear at all that it was accused of factionalism, that is, that it (the group) set before itself tasks that were still special from the Party. The biggest accusation was against her - it was the usurpation of the rights of party members, autocracy, etc., that is, accusations with which leaders in general are accused. Such accusations are not dangerous, in the most difficult moments (of the leading group) the leading group sacrifices one or two odious figures and calms the party mass.

A faction is completely different, here there is already a disagreement at the root, an approach from two sides to literally every current issue. This approach is being formed in the Party in two different centres, at least ideological ones. And then there is a party discussion of the issue in party instances, there will no longer be individual, but factional differences.

As soon as we come to this situation, the united party is gone.

I admit the possibility that we will come to this. But I see absolutely no reason to force a split, to help the governing group to create such a situation more quickly.

To think that creating a faction on one side will not cause a corresponding effect on the other is unfounded. It is impossible to hide from the broad masses that the party instances are only instruments of power, and not the power itself—as bodies of soviets, such things cannot be hidden. This is fraught with completely unforeseen consequences. In any case, I do not see now such profound reasons that would imperiously push us onto this path. This path is all the more dangerous because the hostile forces of Soviet power will receive channels through which they will have access to the very sources of power.

It may be objected that I am sounding the alarm in vain, that there is no question of creating a faction *, but that the seven were simply elected to agree on the most odious issues, I would, perhaps, strongly support this option if it were understood in the same way by the rest members of the meeting.

But as far as I got the impression, the tendency of the meeting, in particular, it definitely manifested itself in Comrade Stalin, namely, to rest against further work on an agreed factional line.

RTSKHIDNI. F. 78. Op. 7. D. 210. L. 1-2. Autograph.

Notes:

oneIn connection with the intensification of the struggle in the leadership of the RCP (b) between Trotsky and the Zinoviev-Kamenev-Stalin group during the plenum of the Central Committee of the RCP (b) in August 1924, a meeting of a group of members of the Central Committee (Stalin, Bukharin, Rudzutak, Rykov, Tomsky, Kalinin , Kamenev, Zinoviev, Voroshilov, Mikoyan, Kaganovich, Ordzhonikidze, Petrovsky, Kuibyshev, Uglanov and others), which decided to consider itself a "leading team". The meeting formed its executive body, the "seven" consisting of members of the Politburo - Bukharin, Zinoviev, Kamenev, Rykov, Stalin, Tomsky and the chairman of the Central Control Commission, Kuibyshev. Dzerzhinsky, Kalinin, Molotov, Uglanov, Frunze were appointed candidates for the "seven". The meeting worked out a kind of charter regulating the activities of the "leading team". It provided for strict discipline, the subordination of the "seven" to the meeting of the "leading team". The "Seven" was created for preliminary consideration and resolution of issues that were then submitted to the official meetings of the Politburo with the participation of Trotsky (Nadtocheev V. "Triumvirate" or "Seven"? From the history of the intra-party struggle in 1924-1925. // Difficult questions of history: Searches Reflections: A New Look at Events and Facts, edited by Zhuravlev V. V. M., 1991, pp. 68-70). The published letter of Kalinin, apparently, reflected his direct reaction to the creation of the "seven". It is not known, however, whether Kalinin sent this letter to Stalin. A new look at events and facts. Ed. Zhuravleva V. V. M., 1991. S. 68-70). The published letter of Kalinin, apparently, reflected his direct reaction to the creation of the "seven". It is not known, however, whether Kalinin sent this letter to Stalin. A new look at events and facts. Ed. Zhuravleva V. V. M., 1991. S. 68-70). The published letter of Kalinin, apparently, reflected his direct reaction to the creation of the "seven". It is not known, however, whether Kalinin sent this letter to Stalin.