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Review of the political state of the USSR
Review of the political state of the USSR in December 1925
Top secret
ʺ_ʺ January 1926
Moscow city
At the same time, an overview of the political state of the USSR for December 1925 is being transmitted. workers)
This survey, in view of its top‐secret nature, should be kept on par with the code. Making copies and making extracts is not allowed in any case.
PP OGPU and chiefs of the lips. and reg. departments of the OGPU can give an overview for reading to the secretaries of regional committees, provincial committees, regional committees and the Bureau of the Central Committee of the All‐Union Communist Party, as well as the chairmen of the executive committees and CECs of the autonomous republics.
When reviewing 5 applications and one table.
Deputy Chairman of the OGPU Yagoda
Head of the [Department] Information and PC of the OGPU
Prokofiev
WORKERS
December saw a strong decline in the number of strikes and the number of workers on strike; in total, according to incomplete information, 18 strikes were registered with 1537 strikers (against 49 and 5615 in November). The threat of a decrease in real wages due to the rise in high prices should be regarded as a serious point that emerged in the reporting period. On this basis, on the part of the workers, there are demands for an increase in increments upon renewal of collective agreements and an increase in wages in addition to contracts. In the metal industry, interruptions in the supply of raw materials and fuel, which caused a number of shutdowns of entire shops, created a nervous mood among the workers. General financial difficulties led to interruptions in the payment of wages in small, mainly industries. Metalworkers
Strikes. In December, a sharp decrease in the number of strikes and their participants was noted among metalworkers (4 and 273 against 13 and 1019 in November). All strikes are insignificant, and their main demand is to raise wages in one form or another. More serious attention should be paid to the strike of 200 workers of the Podolsk plant (Moscow province) on the basis of non‐payment for under‐production due to the poor quality of the material. (I, 1‐6) ʺ.
Demands for higher wages due to rising costs. The continuing renegotiation of collective agreements at many enterprises is characterized by dissatisfaction with a small increase, and the demand for a larger increase is put by the workers in connection with the growing high cost. On this basis, there have been many cases of filing applications (group and individual) for an increase in wages after the signing of contracts. At the Ulyanovsk cartridge plant, workers indicate that the 15% increase was offset by a 25% increase in market prices for essential products (I, 7‐11).
Dissatisfaction with billing. Dissatisfaction with tariffication still remains the most important cause of conflicts (especially at the largest factories GOMZ, Lenmashtrest, etc.), it covers almost exclusively skilled workers seeking to further raise wages. In some cases, the level of wages for workers in these groups is very high. So, for example, at the ʺKrasniy Putilovetsʺ blacksmiths, producing 120 rubles. (the average earnings of a shop are 80 rubles), require further wages increase. Along with this, there is a strong upholding of the wages of low‐skilled workers, who sometimes earn 20 rubles. (Samara pipeplant, Yaroslavl machine‐building plant ʺProletarskaya svobodaʺ and Katavsky plant in the Urals) (I, 12‐22).
Interruptions in the supply of raw materials to enterprises. Recently, the metal industry has been experiencing interruptions in the supply of raw materials and fuel to enterprises, which has caused the shutdown of workshops at a number of factories (Moskovsky District, Ukraine, Siberia, etc.). In some cases, reductions in the number of workers are planned in connection with this. In this regard, among the workers there are fears of a possible increase in unemployment, accusations are heard against the administration for not taking timely measures to provide enterprises with raw materials and fuel.
Delayed wages. At a number of metal factories there is a delay in wages, which sometimes reaches 1‐2 months in the periphery (Siberia, Transcaucasia). In the Center and in the North‐West, isolated cases of salary delays for several days were noted (1, 23‐26).
Textile workers
Strikes. The strike movement in December dropped significantly; only 6 strikes with 290 participants were registered against 14 and 2635 in November this year. On the basis of dissatisfaction with the leveling of wages in the Ivanovo‐Voznesensk province. there were 3 strikes against 8 in November (1.46‐50).
Leveling wages at Ivanovo‐Voznesensk factories. Dissatisfaction over the leveling of wages among the Ivanovo‐Voznesensk textiles, having reached its highest tension in November, has clearly subsided in December. However, since the source of misunderstandings has not been eliminated (a number of abnormalities in prices that were admitted during leveling), the dissatisfaction cannot be considered completely eradicated. The fact that the outcome of conflicts on the basis of leveling was 90% not in favor of the workers, led to disbelief in the work of the trade organizers with the forthcoming renegotiation of collective agreements. Examples of abnormalities worrying workers are the following facts: at the Novo‐Ivanovo‐Voznesenskaya convent, printers receive fewer raklisgs; at the Shuisk factory, women working on mules receive almost twice as many bank brochures (before the war, the difference did not exceed 5 rub.), the wages of a weaver on a jacquard loom are three times that of a weaver working in calico, etc. (I, 64‐69).
Demands for higher wages. Highly skilled textile workers (foremen, apprentices, locksmiths, turners) at a number of enterprises in the Moscow and Ivanovo‐Voznesensk provinces consider their wages low and, taking advantage of the lack of qualified labor, move to enterprises with higher pay. At the Rabkrai factory of Ivtekstil (IvanovoVoznesenskaya gubernia), the bankʹs abandoned craftsmen, if their salaries are not increased, intend to collectively leave for Leningrad. In some factories, wages lagged far behind the general wages in the Union of Textile Workers. For example, at the Gorbatovskiy rope and rope factories “Setesnast” (Novo‐Ivanovo‐Voznesensk province), a textile master earns no more than 25 rubles. per month, average worker ‐ 1015 rubles.
Dissatisfaction with the level of wages due to the rise in high prices. Dissatisfaction with the level of wages is also due to the rise in food prices, which was noted at a number of enterprises. The stokers of the Yazykovskaya Cloth Factory filed an application for an increase in their earnings by 30%, motivating their application with an increase in prices for agricultural products (I, 51‐27).
Dissatisfaction with billing. The revision of norms and prices expected from the beginning of the financial year, in connection with which there should be a limitation of excessive extra earnings, is of great concern to certain groups of workers. At the 1st Kostroma Republican Factory, among the workers of the finishing building, in connection with the expected increase in the norms by 15‐20%, one can hear the following conversations: “Previously, the owner spoiled the hardworking workers, added their salaries, but now, if you work well, they will give you more .... norm. ʺ
Lower prices sometimes cause lower product quality. Thus, up to 10 thousand meters of sailcloth was rejected at the 1st Republican F‐ke by order of the Moskhozupra, which was worked at reduced prices. Similar facts were noted at the Ivanovo‐Voznesensk factories (I, 58‐63).
Miners
Strikes. In December, there was only one strike among miners (at the Kytlym platinum mines, Ural) due to high rates (1.27).
Salary issues in the oil industry. Discontent among miners continues to be fueled by low wages. This issue is especially acute in the oil industry. In Grozneft, at the Staro‐Grozny fields, dissatisfaction with low wages gripped 60% of the drilling workers. The presidium of the minersʹ conference received an anonymous letter from the drilling workers demanding to improve their situation. Discontent is also very strong among the unskilled workers of the distilleries of Grozneft, who receive a bare rate (about 25 rubles) without any extra work. At Azneftʹs fields, one should expect a decrease in discontent, which was noted in October‐November due to an increase in high prices and the cancellation of a 25% increase due to the decision of the Arbitration Court in Moscow on a 12% increase in wages (I, 28‐30).
Wage issues in the coal and iron ore industries. In the coal industry, significant worker dissatisfaction is caused by low wages and poor working conditions. At the group of mines named after Dzerzhinsky, due to the non‐approval of the expected 60% increase under the collective agreement, productivity dropped sharply. In the Shakhty region, low earnings in a number of cases are caused by poor equipment of mines and difficult working conditions (frequent collapses due to fragile fastening, etc.) mine ʺOctober Revolutionʺ of the Vlasov mining department, etc.). On this basis, the workers are forced to work, and in some mines the working day reaches 12‐14 hours. Processing is also caused by increased rates (the October Revolution mine).
Other industries
Strikes. In December, there were 7 strikes in other industries against 21 in November. Of these, among the builders ‐ 3 and in the silicate [industry] ‐ 4 (I, 43‐45).
Delayed wages. The most serious aspect of the economic situation of workers in small‐scale industry is the long delay and incomplete payment of wages (65 facts were noted per month). The largest percentage falls on the sugar industry (7), timber (10), construction (8) and silicate (5). In 35 cases, the delay lasts from 2 weeks to 2‐3 months. At some enterprises of the Far Eastern Military District, wages are paid in kind.
Concession workers
Workers of enterprises commissioned on a concession (Ural enterprises, Lena‐Goldfield, Gruzinsky Manganets) 292, with the arrival of concessionaires, expect an increase in wages and major re‐equipment of enterprises. At the Chemical Plant (Ural), employees and some of the workers presented the arriving concessionaires with a greeting address. The workers are impatiently awaiting the conclusion of collective agreements with the concessionaires, intending to ʺtake a high rate from the capitalistʺ (Lena‐Goldfield). At the Georgian Manganese concession, however, the wages remained the same, and the working conditions in connection with the transition to contract work were significantly worsened. The concessionaire has not yet begun work on re‐equipment (I, 108‐112).
Factory employees
In connection with the renegotiation of collective agreements, which in most enterprises is accompanied by an increase in workersʹ wages, factory employees (office personnel) in a number of regions are dissatisfied with the low wages compared to workers. This mood is most vividly revealed at the textile factories of Ivanovo‐Voznesensk province, where, due to the leveling, the wages of some groups of workers have increased, while the increase in wages for employees is either postponed from month to month, or is completely canceled. Employees say: ʺWe are an unnecessary element; we are not considered human.ʺ At B. Dmitrovskaya, the employees intend to go on strike. Employees are also worried about overtime pay related to urgent tasks (annual reports, payroll calculations, etc.). A number of enterprises do not pay for overtime work. By demanding overtime pay, employees are trying to maximize pay and thereby increase their earnings. Employees of the Donugol of the Ukrainian SSR (120 workers) presented to the administration a demand for payment for the work on drawing up an annual report in the amount of a 2‐month salary, threatening to strike if they refused. Similar facts were noted at the Podolsk Mechanical Plant (Moscow Gubernia), the Tula Arms Plant and the Zlatoust Mechanical Plant (I, 122‐126).
Workersʹ political mood
Questions about profit sharing. The sentiments of backward groups of workers noted in recent surveys, which were revealed so far in vague conversations about ʺexploitationʺ, incomplete wages of workers, etc., found their form in the reporting period in the demand for workers to participate in the profits of enterprises. This slogan finds the most fertile soil among workers employed in the light industry, which is profitable, and above all in the textile industry. At the Krasny Perekop textile factory (Yaroslavl Gubernia), the workers, referring to the 4 1/2 million profit received by the factory, demanded a 7% increase. A proposal was made ʺto go from words to deeds and to divide all the profits of industry among the workers.ʺ “The factory gave 200,000 rubles in a year. profits, some of this would go to the workers,” say some workers at the factory. Uritsky (Moscow).3 ‐ State and 1 / 3 ‐ equally distributed among the workers. ʺ The same proposal was made at the 7th printing house in Kiev. These moods are not yet widespread
(I, 82‐90).
Leveling tendencies. A characteristic feature of the mood of workers, mainly of low‐grade workers, is the “leveling” mood directed against those receiving higher ranks (administration, professional workers, etc.). Non‐party and communists of the Bone Processing Plant (Leningrad) declare that “receiving 80 rubles. a month, we are ready to receive 50 rubles, but let the red directors and other communists receive the same amount”. At the Belevsky distillery (Tula), the workers of the bottling department, with the approval of the factory committee, made a ʺsalary equationʺ, equating the pay of the 5th, 6th and 7th categories to the 4th; the money remaining after this was equally distributed among all the workers (I, 91‐94).
Anti‐Soviet speeches and anti‐Soviet agitation. Anti‐Soviet protests and agitation in factories are sporadic, and with a general negative attitude towards them on the part of the workers, only sometimes they meet with passive sympathy from the backward section of the workers. Most of the agitation is carried out by former members of antiSoviet parties or anti‐Soviet lower technical personnel (foremen, apprentices). The dominant motive for the protests is the ʺcapitalist (exploitative) character of state‐owned enterprisesʺ, the domination of the ʺnew bourgeoisieʺ (communists, administration), political oppression, lack of democratic freedoms, and the lack of rights of the non‐party masses. An analogy is drawn between the Soviet system and the political structure of the bourgeois countries. At the Perm Arms Factory GUVP (Ural), worker Melnikov, regarding the transition of the electrical shop to self‐financing, said: “The Communist Party brings not freedom, but bondage. The power of the Soviets is pure without communists. ʺ “The Soviet republic has degenerated into a new form of a bourgeois country,” the technical secretary of the factory committee Berson proves to the workers at the Stepanovskiy sugar plant (I, 95107).
Workers and trade unionists
In the relationship between workers and trade union organizations, a number of facts of inept implementation of new methods of work on the part of trade union organizations draw attention to themselves. On this basis, there have been cases of general failure of the communists during the re‐elections, as, for example, at Art. Kshen M [Oskov‐] K [Ievsko‐] In [Oronezh] railway. the village of Kursk province, in the local food industry workers number 8 in Astrakhan; the workers at the same time viewed the communists as representatives and guides of the ʺold courseʺ. Sharp dissatisfaction is expressed in general when nominating lists of candidates for re‐elections. The workers of the Staro‐Dmitrovskaya and Malo‐Dmitrovskaya m‐ry (Ivanovo‐
Voznesenskaya gubernia), after the list of candidates for commissioners of the cooperative had been read out, left the meeting shouting ʺthere is nothing to do here, they chose without us.ʺ In a number of cases, antiSoviet individuals and groups demanded a ʺsecret ballotʺ during reelections.
Relationship between workers and administration
Multiple friction between workers and management is extremely common in factories. These frictions are mainly due to abnormalities in the field of tariff‐setting work, allowing arbitrariness on the part of administrators, mostly specialists. During the month, a number of attempts were registered to ʺtake out in a wheelbarrowʺ administrators at enterprises in Siberia, Ukraine, and others. At the Bolshevik plant, workers for an unauthorized reduction of prices intended to throw engineer Pekhov from the second floor. At the Kemsky mine (Siberia), the pre‐district committee of the WASH fears that ʺsomeone will have to take a ride in a wheelbarrowʺ in connection with the alleged cancellation of the increase under the collective agreement. Many conflicts are caused by the rudeness of the administration. At the Vetka mine of the Bokovo‐Khrustalny mine administration, a worker tried to kill a pom. head mine. At the Krasnozvezdinsky refinery (Sumy district) leaflets were pasted up with an appeal to the managerial committee ʺto wake up, hear the groans of workers from the executioner Drozdovʺ and with a threat to deal with Drozdov if he was unbridled. Grozneft workers say that ʺit is necessary to beat up two or three engineers, then the authorities and the party will take action.ʺ As before, there is discontent with the high rates of specialists (a number of factories in Leningrad, the Urals, Azneft, etc.) (I, 110‐121).
PEASANTRY
Re‐election of the Soviets
Population participation in re‐elections. The incomplete materials available on the course of re‐election of the Soviets in 8 provinces of the Center (Vladimir, Tver, Vyatka, Yaroslavl, Kostroma, Oryol, Kursk, Voronezh) and 2 provinces of the Volga region (Ulyanovsk and Saratov) paint a generally favorable picture of re‐elections. Although in most of these provinces the picture is very variegated and fluctuations in the percentage of attendance at electoral meetings are significant, but in comparison with previous elections, this yearʹs campaign is generally held with a larger number of participants and livelier. So, but the Tver lips. Novotorzhsky u. in 3 volosts, the number of meeting participants ranged from 40 [to] 85% of voters, in Tverskoy district. in the 2nd volosts it reached 70‐80%. In Vyatka lips. on average 50‐60% of voters participated. In the Yaroslavl province. in a number of volosts, the number of re‐election participants ranged from 35 [to] 85% of all voters. In Kursk province. according to Graivoronsky u. ‐ from 20 [to] 70%. In the Vladimir province. in a number of volosts ‐ from 31 [to] 80% of voters. In the Voronezh province. on average 42% of voters participated. In the Oryol province. according to Dmitrovsky u. in some villages 60‐65% of voters participate, in Orlovsky district. ‐ 2370%. In the Ulyanovsk province. in Ardatovskiy u. up to 50% of voters took part in the re‐election. Only in the Saratov province. in general, attendance at electoral meetings is lower than in previous elections (1530%). There are villages where the percentage of attendance is very small; so, in with. Bazaar Karabulak of Volsky u. out of 1500 voters, 15 people came to the meeting, in Atkarsky u. in with. Berezovka took part in the meeting of 15.8% of voters. However, in some villages 50‐80% of voters participate. In provinces with a relatively high average percentage of participation in places, due to poor preliminary preparation, the population was very reluctant to go to re‐elections. A typical case took place in the Voronezh province, where in the village. B. Polyanka for 5 hours they rang the bell to collect the gathering, and yet no one showed up; only after a personal tour of the peasants, members of the electoral committee managed to collect up to 42% of voters. In a number of cases, meetings were convened several times to no avail. Analyzing the cases of passive attitude towards elections, indifference, disinterest of the population in re‐elections, it can be noted that such sentiments are manifested mainly with poor preparation of the election campaign and where the local grassroots soviet compromised itself in the eyes of the peasants or failed to abandon the methods of ʺcommand ʺ. In this respect, the following statements by the peasants of the Saratov province are characteristic: “Those who want to make their way to the Soviet go to the
Council; when there is order in the Council, then we will participate in the meetings ʺ(Atkarskiy u.),ʺ tell the authorities not to be chased in vain: we will not go anyway, since they know even without us who to be appointed chairman, we are considered they never listen to fools” (Volsky u.) (II, 1–40).
The middle and the poor in the re‐election. Materials on the participation and role in the re‐election of the middle peasants and the poor, available in Orel, Kostroma, Kursk, Voronezh, Astrakhan, Ulyanovsk, Saratov and Stalingrad provinces, Krivoy Rog,
Zinovievsky, Kherson (Ukraine), Tersky, Stavropol, Chernomorsky (North Caucasus), Tomsk (Siberia) and Troitsky (Ural) districts allow us to note the following characteristic moments. Where, apparently, the party and Soviet bodies did not carry out sufficiently serious work to organize the poor and rally them with the middle peasants, in some places the middle peasants actively speak out in re‐elections against the candidates of the poor peasants, together with the wealthy and kulaks. So, in the Oryol province. in one of the volosts, before the elections, groups of middle peasants were organized, nominating their candidates and not wanting to choose the poor (ʺwe are tired of trampsʺ). In the Saratov province. in one of the villages of the Saratov parish. the re‐elections were led by a group of middle peasants under the influence of the well‐to‐do part of the village; the poor, farm laborers and members of the Komsomol were rejected and they were not allowed to vote. In the Kostroma province. There was a case when voters were divided into two groups: on the one hand, the middle peasants, on the other, the poor; the well‐to‐do and kulaks were passive about the re‐election. The performances of the middle peasants, together with the well‐to‐do and the kulaks, were noted in a number of villages in the Kostroma, Kursk, Voronezh, Astrakhan provinces, Nemrespublika, Krivoy Rog, Zinovievsky and Kherson districts. Here the poor were not organized, behaved passively, in some places they were afraid to vote against the candidates of the kulaks (Voronezh) and even voted for them (Kursk). At the same time, the ʺdefeatistʺ moods of the poor are characteristic: ʺNow the poor cannot get into the Soviets,
Poor groups. Partial information on the organization of groups of the poor by party and council bodies is available for the provinces: Kursk, Voronezh (Center), Ulyanovsk, Saratov (Volga region) and districts:
Troitsk (Ural), Tersk, Stavropol (North Caucasus) and Tomsk (Siberia). In most of these provinces, meetings of the poor took place in an orderly manner. Attempts to organize the poor have only met with failure. In the Astrakhan province. In the Baskunchak region, the electoral commission and local party organizations failed to hold preelection meetings of the poor, since the latter in most cases is under the influence of kulaks. In the Synod parish. Volsky u. also failed to convene pre‐election meetings of the poor. The correct line of rallying the poor with the middle peasant was not taken everywhere by local organizations. So, in Ostrogozhsky u. Voronezh province. in a number of districts, middle peasants were not invited to meetings of the poor. How the middle peasants reacted to these closed meetings of the poor is shown by the following statements of the latter: ʺThe poor have appointed their village council in advance ‐ there is no need to go to reelectionsʺ, ʺas the poor decide ‐ in their own way, it will not be, at the gathering we will turn our way.ʺ Here there was a case when the poor, having organized themselves, outlined their list of candidates for the village councils, when at the very re‐elections the poor saw themselves isolated from the rest of the village, then there were refusals of their candidacies and even speeches with disqualifications. Closed meetings of the poor were also held in the Stalingrad province. In a number of provinces, the poor took part in the re‐elections together with the middle peasants. In the Kostroma province. in Bashutinskaya parish. the middle peasants and the poor nominated general candidates for the Soviets. In the Tersk and Stavropol districts, in places, farm laborers, poor and middle peasants united in re‐elections. It should be noted that in almost all the provinces where it was possible to organize the poor, the latter showed a cheerful mood and was very active. The following rebuke of the poor peasant to the kulak is characteristic: ʺYour business is to be silent: it is not your power that is being built and you are not building it, but we, the poor, are building itʺ (Kursk province). In the Kostroma province. in one of the villages of Nerekhtsky u. the kulaks, together with the wealthy, nominated their candidates, but the poor, having organized themselves under the leadership of the old chairman of the village council, ran their candidates, the kulaks and the wealthy left the meeting. In the Tersk district, a case was registered when the poor, farm laborers and part of the middle peasants, having united to prepare for the elections, allocated an asset of 10 people who conducted hundreds of interviews with the population. scheduling to the Council of Communists and the Poor. Along with the positive phenomena noted above, it should be noted that ʺpartisan sentimentsʺ are not outlived in places among the poor.293, in connection with which the latter does not quite correctly understand the tasks of the groups of the poor. “Wait, we’ll elect to the Council of Communists, then we’ll shake you,” the poor people declare to the kulaks (Ulyanovsk province). These sentiments were even more vividly manifested at one meeting of the poor with the middle peasants in the Tomsk district, when the poor declared: ʺTo fight the rich in the village, you need to organize a gang of 10 people and kill all the rich in a secret orderʺ (II, 73‐103).
Pre‐election kulak groups. During the reporting period, 47 preelection kulak and anti‐Soviet groups were registered in 23 provinces and districts (in the previous survey, 18 groups in 10 provinces and districts were noted). In the central provinces ‐ 13 groups, in the NorthWest ‐ 1, in the Ukraine ‐ 8, in the North Caucasus ‐ 13, in the Volga region ‐ 10, in the Far Eastern Military District ‐ 2. The following groups draw attention to the anti‐Soviet groups: in the Moscow province. in the village. Novo‐Kirillovka Moscow district a group of peasants, led by a Socialist Revolutionary, agitates against the communists. In the Tambov province. in with. Pokrovskoe‐Marfino a small group of the well‐to‐do is picking up incriminating material on the VIC chairman and party members, declaring that none of them will get into the VIC; the same group proposes to play off the party members at the congress, praising some and cursing others. In the Zhitomir district, kulaks and well‐to‐do s. Staroselie has allocated an asset of 10 people, which is conducting the entire election campaign. In the Tersk district in the stts. The Bekeshevskaya group of the well‐to‐do is conducting an election campaign under the slogan “to send Cossacks and non‐party people to the Council”. It is characteristic that in a significant part of the cases registered in our country, the groups are headed or include antiSoviet individuals from the ʺformer peopleʺ. So, in the Kostroma province. in the Stepanovsky District, the head of the electoral group is the son of a former landowner. In the Ulyanovsk province. in with. Matyuninoʹs kulaks are preparing for re‐elections in an organized manner under the leadership of local intellectuals ‐ a doctor, forester, his assistant and clerk. In the Don district in the sl. Semikarakorskaya, a group of anti‐Soviet elements led by a former SocialistRevolutionary, leading underground work against party influence in the Soviets and relying on wealthy Cossacks; before the re‐elections, the head of the group in the premises of the village council addressed the present Cossacks with a speech, urging them to prepare for the reelections and demand the convening of a non‐party conference to hold “their people” in the REC. The meeting ended with the singing of the patriotic song ʺThe Orthodox Quiet Don has floundered, agitated.ʺ This group has a connection with Rostov (II, 60‐72).
The tendencies of the kulaks towards political equality. The current pre‐election campaign is characterized by an attempt by the kulaks, striving to achieve political equality, in their own way to explain the democratization of the re‐election and, in general, the new policy of the party and the Soviet government in the countryside. “Now everyone has the right to be elected, now there are no kulaks, but there are business executives,” declare the kulaks and the well‐to‐do of the Samara province. ʺThe Soviet government relies on the well‐to‐do and the kulaks, and if so, they should be in the village councilʺ (Primorskaya province). “We, the wealthy, are real good workers. We have created a good economy for ourselves and will also benefit the Soviet government. We must enjoy the respect of Soviet power, elect and be elected to the Soviets, we must not be constrained by any restrictions,” declares the kulak of the Kursk province. Even more interesting is a speech at a non‐partisan conference in one of the volosts of Kaluga province. Miller (former member of the All‐Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks): “Previously, the Communist Party and the Komsomol themselves appointed leaders to Soviet and public organizations, but they failed with this policy. Why not give power to workers and activists, whom the local authorities call kulaks. After all, landowners are better than the poor. Why canʹt a landowner sit in the peopleʹs court, if heʹs honest, why canʹt he work in the executive committee? In some places, the fists and the well‐to‐do are marked by the slogan ʺSoviets without Communistsʺ (Krivoy Rog, Donskoy Okrug and Primorskaya Gubernia). In Primorskaya lips. at pre‐election meetings, the kulaks and the well‐to‐do gave instructions to the candidates ‐ ʺto protect from the pressure of the Soviet regimeʺ (II, 41‐49). In general, however, antiSoviet speeches in the current re‐elections do not have the same acuteness and the slogan “Soviets without communists” put forward in some cases by kulaks and anti‐Soviet elements does not find the same response in the countryside as it did in the previous election campaign. This indicates a significant shift in the mood of the village for the better.
Antagonism to the city
During the reporting period, 82 facts were registered in 24 provinces and districts of the Union, characterizing the mood of antagonism towards the city (of which 54 cases were in 8 provinces of the Center). The main reasons for this sentiment are still the divergence of prices for manufactured goods and agricultural products and commodity shortages. “The workers cheat the peasants by taking cheap grain and ripping off three skins by the chintz,” the peasants declare at a meeting in Voronezh province. In the Kostroma province. at the meeting, the peasants pointed out: “The authorities keep writing that industry is developing, and urban goods are not only not getting cheaper, but they are no longer at all. It is imperative to convene a congress of workers and peasants, where the price of the goods should be set. ʺ An interesting decision of the general meeting of workers together with the peasants at the Kazitsky starch‐treacle plant in Oryol province., where it is pointed out the need to regulate the prices of goods, to wage a commodity struggle against high prices, and most importantly ‐ ʺhe is thoughtful about the needs of workers and peasants.ʺ It is characteristic that dissatisfaction with the working class, as the culprit for the high cost of manufactured goods, has recently begun to spill over into a demand for an increase in the working day. “The worker needs to add an extra hour of his working day in order to reduce the price of city products,” declares the poor man of the Tambov province. The opposition of the peasants to the workers leads to the conclusion that ʺSoviet power is the power of the workers, but not the peasantsʺ and that ʺthe peasants need to organize and fight back.ʺ Below are the most typical performances of this kind. “The revolution liberated only the workers and communists,” declares the youth of a number of villages in the Voronezh province. “If the workers go to meet the peasants, then they will live in harmony with them, and if this does not happen, the peasant will establish his own order. ʺ ʺWhy do they say ‐ the power of the workers and peasants, when in reality the power of the workers aloneʺ (Voronezh province). ʺIt is necessary to organize the peasants against the workers, because the workers live on the shoulders of the peasantsʺ (Oryol province). ʺThe peasantry, squeezed in the clutches of the workers, will lose patience and will fight the workersʺ (Tambov province). “The power of the peasants is in the hands and has given nothing for the peasants. It is necessary for the peasants to organize themselves and to resist the Soviet power” (speech of the middle peasants of the Leningrad province). Attention is drawn to the statement of a peasant in Tambov province: “The trade union of workers must be dispersed; the peasants have no place in the factory and the plant because the workers are afraid to give up the benefits they receive. The workers recaptured all the gains from the peasants, and the workers were not the only ones who won the revolution. ʺ The speech of the chairman of the village council, who proposed to organize a cross‐union (at a ceremonial meeting together with the peasants of the workers of the Krasny Stroitel plant in Moscow province), is also interesting; when a proposal was made to send a telegram with greetings to the XIV Congress of the Party295, he demanded not to mention the peasants in the greetings, ʺsince they do not pay attention to the peasantsʺ (III, 1‐10).
Agitation for peasant unions
Compared to November, in December there is a slight increase in the number of cases of agitation and demonstrations for peasant unions. Instead of 58 in November, 71 cases have already been registered for the reporting month. Of these, in the Center ‐ 46 (in Moscow province alone ‐ 29 cases), in the North‐West ‐ 5, in the Ukraine ‐ 3, in the North Caucasus ‐ 6, in the Volga region ‐ 4, in the Urals ‐ 2, in Siberia ‐ 2 and in the Far Eastern Military District ‐ 3. The increase in the number of detected cases of agitation and speeches for the cross‐unions is undoubtedly connected with the ongoing mass campaigns for the reelection of the Soviets and KKOV. The main argument for organizing the peasant unions continues to be the need to protect the interests of the peasantry in regulating prices for manufactured goods and agricultural products: “Peasant unions must be organized on an allRussian scale so that the workers do not dictate the prices of grain, but the peasants” (Voronezh province). ʺThis cannot continue, some handful of workers are leading the peasants, exploiting them and taking everything for factory production, and if there is no peasant organization in 1925, then it will be in 1926ʺ (speech at a meeting of a peasant of the same province) ... In Kursk province. at a volost nonparty conference, the chairman of the village council said: “If we had an alliance, we would not have given bread to the city at the price at which they take it. We would force you to sell industrial and manufactured goods at the pre‐war price. ʺ Attention is drawn to the resolution adopted at this conference, in which the conference asks for permission to organize ʺa peasant union of all of Russia in order to regulate commodity circulationʺ, as well as to allow ʺa non‐party peasant press under the leadership of non‐party workers.ʺ In a number of cases, the peasants demanded to organize a cross‐union instead of the KKOV, which was especially clearly revealed during the re‐election of the KKOV in Moscow province. Here, at one of the meetings for the re‐election of the KKOV, at the suggestion of a former member of the CPSU (b), a resolution was adopted, which said: “We demand the social rights of the working people of the USSR. We demand the organization of peasant unions. ʺ In Vyatka lips. At a plenum of one village council, a middle peasant who spoke in the debate said: “The KKOV line is narrow. The peasants need to organize a peasant economic‐trade union, the structure of which should be the same as that of the workersʹ trade unions. ʺ It is interesting to note that this union was put forward by him as an organization of ʺstrong peasant farmsʺ, in these words he painted the activities of the future cross union: because they seized the land and do not cultivate it, hindering the development of peasant farms. ʺ In addition to the demands of the cross unions as purely economic organizations, there are isolated cases when the cross union is presented as a political organization. In this respect, the aforementioned demand of the non‐party peasant press, connected with the demand for the organization of a cross union, put forward in the resolution of the volost peasant conference of Kursk province, is characteristic. In another case, a note with a proposal to organize a cross union, submitted at one of the meetings in Voronezh Gubernia, required ʺproportional representation of peasants and workers in the district VICs and in the government in general.ʺ In Vladimir Gubernia, when putting forward a proposal to organize a cross union, the peasants indicate that it is they who could ʺspeak with the government.ʺ In the Pskov province. at the meeting, three peasants and a local teacher, calling for the organization of a cross union, declared: “Only then will we be strong, and whomever we decide, we will lead, but now we have nothing to choose. We can elect only up to the volost, and in the VIC our candidates. ʺ An interesting speech at the party meeting of the Novgorod province. a non‐party peasant who declared: ʺI see nothing comes of it, but let us organize our own party of nonparty people, and we will show how to work.ʺ The idea of a cross union meets in some places the sympathy of the Komsomol members; for example, in the Barnaul district, a member of the Komsomol in a conversation with his comrades said: “The workers won power, but the peasants did not. I will withdraw from the Union and organize my youth union, work out a program and charter with the principle: to defend the peasant power against the Soviet power of the workers. ʺ Similar sentiments are noted in other cells of the district. In Moscow province. protests for the cross unions were noted by the workers of the Krasny Stroitel cement plant, where during the campaign for the 20th anniversary of the 1905 revolution at a meeting, the workers pointed out: “The workers enjoy various benefits so that these benefits can be received and the peasants need to create a peasant trade union” (III, 11
‐ 22).
Kulak groups
In addition to the above‐mentioned pre‐election groups, in December
10 kulak groups were identified in 8 provinces and districts of the Union (3 in Ukraine, 2 groups each in the Volga region and in the Far Eastern Military District, and one grouping each in Belarus, the North Caucasus and Kazakistan). Noteworthy is the group of kulaks and rural intelligentsia in Belarus, called the ʺDumaʺ, which has existed for 20 years; the group is headed by a person with higher education. Among other groupings, it is necessary to note the grouping in the Zaporozhye district (Ukraine), which numbers up to 60 people and aims to seize local authorities and secure large tracts of land. In the Volga region, one of the groups is headed by a former landowner, in addition to whom the group also includes a teacher, a priest and a psalmist; the other group is headed by the village council.
ʺRedʺ banditry
Cases of manifestation of ʺredʺ banditry continue to take place. In recent months, they were noted: in the Center ‐ 6 cases (Oryol province), in
Ukraine ‐ 4 (Priluksky and Korotensky districts), in the North Caucasus ‐ one case (Kuban district), in Siberia ‐ 5 (Barnaul district) and in the Far Eastern military district ‐ 6 (Buryat‐Mongolian republic). In total, 22 cases were registered in the Union. Of these, 7 murders, 2 beatings, 8 arson, one attempted murder and 4 cases of threats. In the BuryatMongolian Republic, cases of ʺredʺ banditry are noted mainly by the Komsomol members (III, 30–41).
The attitude of the peasants to the punitive policy of the Soviet government
The mood of the broad strata of the peasantry is still influenced by dissatisfaction with the punitive policy, which encompasses many regions of the Union. The development of criminality, especially in the central non‐rich provinces, in the Ukraine, in the Volga region and Siberia, is regarded by the peasants as a result of the weak punitive policy of the Soviet government and causes them to criticize the insufficient fight against horse thieves, thieves, murderers, hooligans and other criminal elements of the village, for their early liberation and release, for a weak fight against waste. In Oryol Gubernia, where the cases of theft and horse‐stealing have become more frequent due to poor crops, the peasants believe that ʺthieves should be shot, and the authorities are very soft on them.ʺ There are villages in Podolia where up to 100 horses were taken away by horse thieves. According to the statements of the peasants, the police are inactive, criminals are punished poorly. The peasants often remember about the sergeant who had less theft, while declaring: ʺContrary to all laws, we will commit lynching against thieves, because we have no other way out.ʺ The peasants of the Gomel and Penza provinces say that “the Soviet government condones criminals” and recommend that all amnesties and early releases be abandoned. In various regions of the Union, there have been cases when peasants, considering the punitive policy weak, not protecting against horse thieves, thieves and murderers, themselves deal with the caught criminals. These lynching, almost always ending in murder, are often highly organized. So, in the village. The eternal Maikop district, where the peasants killed three fellow villagers suspected of extortion and arson, lynching was premeditated; it was planned to kill 12 people. Communists, members of the Komsomol and the local government took part in the lynching. During the investigation, the peasants said: “We confess that lynching is illegal, but this should have been done in order to get rid of the robbers who terrorized us and did not allow us to work in peace. Maybe there will be more lynching, as the authorities are weakly fighting the robbers, releasing them a week after their arrest. ʺ There are cases when the local authorities are more persecuting peasants who committed lynching than bandits and criminals. So, in the lynching of the arsonists in the village. Novoselok of the Tula province. (which took place in the summer of 1925), the participants in the lynching were immediately arrested, while the 11 people who were loyal to the authorities, suspected of arson, were released by the inheritor, which created the idea of complete impunity for the criminals among the peasants. Such facts
EASTERN NATIONAL AND AUTONOMOUS REGIONS
ORDER
Political status. There is a decrease in the number of banditry in the interior and an increase in foreign ones. In the interior regions, on December 1, 1925, there were 11 gangs of 117 people, on January 1, 1926, 5 gangs of 98 people. In foreign regions on December 1, 1925 there were 9 gangs of 135 people, on January 1, 1926, 11 [gangs] —190 people. The increase in the number of banditry in foreign areas is partly due to the transfer there of some gangs that previously operated on our territory. In the elimination of banditry, the presence of a large number of weapons in the population remains a serious obstacle. In Adjarian, up to 80% of the population have weapons, mostly rifles, 95% of this number do not have a permit to carry them. The attempt to register weapons met with opposition from local authorities, including local executive committees, and failed. In connection with the re‐elections in Ajaristan, the aspiration of a group of local workers, displaced last autumn, to seize power again is noted. Supporters of Khimshiyev (former chairman of the Council of Peopleʹs Commissars) and Motskobili (former chairman of the Central Election Commission) are campaigning among the population that they have suffered for their loyalty to the people and that their displacement will lead to the enslavement of Adjara by Georgia. Agitation in some cases is carried out through the workers of local councils.
Soviet apparatus. In a number of cases, the extreme contamination of the Soviet apparatus is emphasized. In Adjarian, 70% of uyezd and volost (temsk) workers are the most prosperous people. About 50% are politically unreliable elements, 25% are former police officers. In Abkhazia, village councils are headed by former active members of the Menshevik organization. In Armenia, even in the district bodies, positions of responsibility are held by former Dashnaks, who in the past actively supported the intervention. In Azerbaijan, in Lankaran u. judicial apparatus littered with former bailiffs under the Musavat government 296... On the part of the workers of the grassroots Soviets, theft and bribery were again noted in a significant number of cases. In Ajaristan, up to 20% of executive committees, including uyezd workers, are noticed in this kind of abuse. In Azerbaijan, one of the chairmen of the district executive committee appropriated 4‐5 thousand rubles. In Armenia, minor incidents of waste and appropriation were noted in almost all counties. Arbitrariness and arbitrariness continue to develop among workers in Georgia. There are cases when peasants, driven out of patience, attacked representatives of the authorities (V, 7). In Ajaristan, the inactivity of the Soviet apparatus draws attention. A significant part of the workers of the village councils is almost completely unfamiliar with their duties. The land apparatus is unable to regulate land relations. Among the population, land disputes are extremely developed, resulting in active clashes.
NORTH CAUCASUS
Political status. In the auls of flat Chechnya, agitation about the return of Elderkhanov is noted. Supporters of the latter, mainly traders and clergy, agitate that Elderkhanov is the only true defender of the Chechen people. Removing him will lead to the death of the Muslim religion, which already finds expression in depriving mullahs of voting rights. The population is called upon to draw up sentences for the return of Elderkhanov. Among the bandits who voluntarily surrendered, there is dissatisfaction with the deprivation of their right to vote, in connection with which they are supposed to initiate a petition for a full amnesty. Domestic banditry in a number of areas continues to remain stable. In the Kabardino‐Balkarian, AdygeaCherkess, Ossetian and Ingush regions, the total number of gangs rose from November to December from 34 to 41 people. On the part of the gangs, a number of robberies and clashes with the police were noted. In addition, in Dagestan, a major clash was noted on the basis of blood feud between the clans of Isibillazul and Isalazul. As a result of the collision, one was killed, three were wounded and 7 farmsteads were burned. In Chechnya, in the Nadterechny district, a clash of a detachment of the district militia with bandits who voluntarily surrendered was noted on the basis of the latest robbery. In parallel with the manifestation of activity among the bandits, there continues to be a tendency towards voluntary attendance. During the reporting period, 3 prominent bandits voluntarily surrendered, including their associate Gotsinsky (V, 9‐15).
Soviet apparatus. In connection with the upcoming re‐elections in Chechnya, the formation of numerous groups was noted, which developed agitation in favor of the candidates nominated by them. Particular revival is observed among the clans and tribes most affected by the disarmament operation. On the part of those forming within their groupings, there is an intensified agitation for the return of the workers displaced in connection with the operation. Thus, in the Urus‐Martan district, a group of local traders and timber merchants, relying on the related tribes of the Bekoevites, Nashkhoevites, Chimakhoevites, Nakholoyevites, campaigns for the return of Elderkhanov. In the Shatoevsky district, a similar group is campaigning for the return of both Sheripov brothers. A similar picture is observed in the Novo‐Chechensky and Nadterechny districts. In Dagestan, attention is drawn to the extreme contamination and inactivity of the Soviet apparatus up to the district and central bodies. Thus, the apparatus of the Peopleʹs Commissariat for Land for 75% consists of elements alien to the authorities, including former White Guards and officers. In the Samur Okrug, 70% of district offices are littered with persons who were on trial and deprived of the right to vote. In the Darginsky district, many Soviet workers are entirely under the influence of Sheikh Ali‐Gadzhi Akushinsky. In the land authorities, controversial cases lie idle several years and land disputes are not resolved by 75% or more (V, 16).
MIDDLE ASIA
Soviet apparatus. Numerous cases of bribery, illegal extortions from the population, debris and connections between grassroots workers and the Basmach element continue to be revealed everywhere. In the Samarkand region.
in Katta‐Kurgan u. the unions of the Koshchi (poor) in a number of cases are 60% bays. In Surkhan‐Darya region. even the chairman of the regional union Koshchi is a former emir official who still maintains contact with the Basmachi. Only in Fergana and Zeravshan regions, 25 large cases of bribery were registered in the reporting period. Numerous minor cases remain undetected. In Kyrgyzstan, embezzlement and extortion is allowed even by district workers. So, the chairman of the Dzhelyal‐Abad Union, Koshchi, out of the collected 1,500 rubles. he appropriated half for himself.
Criminality is extremely developed among the workers of justice. In the Kara‐Kalpak autonomous region, a person who wanted to report a crime was killed on the way by the peopleʹs investigator of the KaraKalpak autonomous region. In Kyrgyzstan, office. The State Prosecutor of the Karakol‐Naryn District collected over 2000 rubles from the population ʺfor a petition for a tax reductionʺ. and 20‐pound, opium. The criminally negligent attitude towards their duties as employees of the Soviet courts contributes to the success of the activities of the spiritual courts. In Dyushambinskom wilaya of Tajikistan in the past month in the sharia courts 297 received 129 cases, and in the Soviet
‐ 56 (V, 17‐21).
Land reform. In Uzbekistan, the bayism and clergy continue to campaign against land reform, with rumors spreading by them, supported by some reform campaigners. In the Fergana region. eminent representatives of the reactionary clergy traveled to the districts in order to carry out the mentioned agitation. In the Samarkand region. The Komsomol members sent out for propaganda declared that the land would be taken away from both the bais and the poor. In connection with the noted among the bulk of the dekhkans, cases of a negative attitude towards the reform continue to be revealed. In Kokand u. even those who feel a lack of land are advised to turn to the bays, who, as devout Muslims, themselves will endow those in need with land. In Samarkand district
In addition to agitation against the reform, the Baystvo splits up and sells the available land surpluses. In the Tashkent region. only in Osman‐Ata and Ak‐Kurgan volosts 17 cases of distribution of land between their relatives and workers were registered. In Zengi‐Ata parish. 41 cases of land sale were identified.
In Turkmenistan, attention is drawn to the reflection on the reform of generic contradictions. Even the poor declare that they do not need foreign land and water and that they would rather die than allow the land of their kind to be passed on to other families. Threats are heard at the land workers, and in some cases the bai persuade special persons to kill members of the land commissions (V, 22‐26).
KAZAKISTAN
Political mood. Attention is drawn to the incessant anti‐Soviet demonstrations in the Russian countryside. In Eastern Kazakistan and Dzhetysu lips. former participants in the white uprisings are grouping local kulaks around them and are developing agitation to eliminate the results of land reforms. In the Dzhetysu lips. a number of cases of terror against Soviet workers and party members were noted. In Alma‐Ata district the chairman of the VIK Georgievskaya Volost was seriously wounded by a shot. In Taldy‐Kurgan, a passing echelon of conscripts staged a pogrom of the Kyrgyz population, during which 5 people were killed and 20 wounded, including several police officers. National domestic and criminal banditry gives some rise. On December 1, 1925, there were 18 gangs ‐ 217 people, on January 1, 1926 there were 20 gangs ‐ 288 people. During the reporting period, 12 bandits were killed and arrested. Banditry reaches its greatest development among the indigenous population. In the Dzhetysu province, in addition to criminal gangs, the emergence of political banditry was noted. On the territory of Lepsinsky u. from abroad came a gang of 70 people armed with rifles, consisting of Hunghuz and Cossacks ‐ participants in the White Guard uprising (V, 21‐30).
Soviet apparatus. In connection with the re‐elections, a grouping‐clan struggle for power unfolded in full. In a number of cases, fights and mutual thefts of cattle have been noted between the fighting groups. In most cases, the groupings are headed by former volost rulers, horse thieves, big bai, Alashordyns, etc., in this regard, some increase in the influence of these elements in the new composition of the Soviets is possible. Workers of district bodies, including party officials, are widely involved in the grouping struggle. In the Central Asian regions of Kazakistan, the struggle for power is accompanied by numerous cases of bribery. In the Syrdarya province. a case of giving a bribe of
3000 rubles to a volost electoral commission was noted. (V, 30‐35).
ANTI‐SOVIET PARTIES
Anarchists
In December, an intensified activity of anarchist groups in a number of districts was noted. In Moscow, a group of anarchists was arrested, whose task was to blow up the Council of Peopleʹs Commissars and other co‐institutions and commit terrorist acts against Soviet workers. In Leningrad, active anarchist elements have been established among the militia, intending to arrange exs. In the Murmansk province. the anarchists establish contacts with abroad, from where they receive illegal literature. In the liquidated anarcho‐underground groups of Bashkiria, many weapons and illegal literature were found. At Ivanovo‐Voznesensk factories and factories, anarchists are campaigning under the guise of non‐party people. In Rybinsk (Yaroslavl Gubernia), proclamations were circulated by the anarchists for the October celebrations. The special interest of anarchists in the work among the youth of the RLKSM (Pharmazavod named after Semashko in Moscow, Yaroslavl, Ural, Komi‐Zyryansk region). In Primorskaya lips. a group of anarchists is campaigning among the military units of the city of Khabarovsk.
Monarchists
In the Yaroslavl and Vyatka provinces, several cases of monarchist leaflets and appeals from the Union for the Salvation of Russia and the Central Action Committee were received by mail. In the Bashkortostan Republic, 7 cases of White Guard appeals and newspaper clippings were found. In the town of Uglich (Yaroslavl Gubernia), two anti‐Soviet leaflets were pasted up calling for the beating of Jews.
Zionists
In Ukraine, the Central Zionists issued an anti‐Soviet instructive leaflet on the issue of re‐elections to the Soviets. In Poltava “GashamerGatsoir” a bulletin “Voice of the Underground” was issued. A leaflet issued by the Gashamer‐Gatsoir organization in Simferopol says: ʺWe send our curse to the enemies and traitors of the Jewish workers.ʺ The work of Poaley Zionists in the Gomel province intensified.
CLERGY
Tikhonites. The struggle that continued in November and December between the group of Bishop Boris of Mozhaisk and Metropolitan Peter of Krutitsk contributed to the demarcation in the ranks of the reactionary clergy. Around Peter, all the Black Hundred and reactionary elements rallied and united, pushing him onto the path of exacerbating the relationship between church and state. They were preparing to issue a declaration ‐ an appeal to the government about the plight of the clergy in the USSR. This led to the arrests of the most active of them, led by Metropolitan Peter. According to Peterʹs will, he was replaced by Bishop Sergiy of Nizhny Novgorod, the leadership of the parishes loyal to him is trying to take over the vicarial diocesan administration. Oppositional bishops, taking advantage of the weakening of Peterʹs supporters, created an initiative group, which, at its meeting in the Donskoy Monastery, organized the Temporary Supreme Church Council, which made it its main task to achieve the legalization of the supreme body of the Orthodox Church. The Synod, in its address to the government, declares its political and strive to lead all the clergy and believers along the same path. The council issued a special declaration to the believers, accusing Peter of counterrevolutionary activities and proving the fatalities of his policy for the church. The formation of the VVTsS caused a demarcation among the Tikhonites and in the localities. The reactionary clergy have waged a campaign against the council while the progressive section sided with it.
Renovators. The formation of the Provisional Supreme Church
Council is viewed by the Renovationists as a split among the Tikhonists. After the council, the new composition of the Renovationist Synod is taking steps to conquer the Tikhonov masses and is preparing an appeal to the Tikhonites over the heads of the bishops with an appeal to abandon support for the disastrous policy of the Black Hundreds and go to the Renovationists. On the ground, there is discontent among believers with the decisions of the council, although formally resolutions are passed on support for the council (Uralsk, Rostov‐onDon). In the latter, discontent resulted in the decision to transfer the entire diocese to the Tikhonites.
Autocephalous movement. In Ukraine, autocephalists are striving for their legalization, trying to rehabilitate themselves before the Ukrainian government, declaring their complete loyalty. At the same time, a number of facts of their anti‐Soviet actions were noted. In the Kiev Sophia Cathedral, a kind of mystery was arranged, timed to the day of the anniversary of Petliuraʹs entry into Kiev. Metropolitan Lipkovsky writes in letters abroad about the oppression of the church by the Soviet regime. After being denied exit visas, the autocephalisks were appointed delegates to the Stockholm Conference of Ukrainians living abroad. The tendencies of creating an autonomous Belarusian Orthodox Church are growing in Belarus.
Baptist sectarians. There was a split among the Baptist leadership on the basis of attitudes towards military service. At the plenum of the Central Council, it became clear that the uncontrolled spending of $ 30,000 received from abroad over the past 3 years was revealed. The condition of local communities is shaky. The separation of evangelical Christian groups continues. The struggle on dogmatic grounds takes on harsh forms. In Dzhetysuisk, Achinsk, Samara, Krasnoyarsk and Vyatka, there are signs of economic struggles, expressed in unwillingness to work for wealthy ʺbrothersʺ for low wages, and dissatisfaction with the introduction of mandatory tithes. In some areas, there have been cases of refusal to serve in the Red Army in arms.
BANDITRY
Central District. With the elimination of the gangs of ZherdovKorytin, Gugin and Lyamaev, Rakitsky and Shabanov, banditry in the central provinces decreased significantly. Only the AntonenkovSmirnov gang, re‐organized under the leadership of the former ringleader of a criminal gang, who evaded surrender when his gang voluntarily turned up in July 1925, continues to remain serious. In December, a gang robbed a purchase point of the Ralph flax mill in Olenino Rzhevsky u. Tver lips. In total, 11 gangs with 68 bandits remain in the Central District.
Western edge. In the inner region, along with a strong decrease in group and registration banditry, there is a slight increase in smallcriminal banditry (in the Smolensk, Bryansk, Gomel provinces and the Mogilev district).
Ukraine. The accounting sabotage gangs of Ovcharuk and the former Kushnir and the criminal‐political gangs of Vashchenko and Sapon are very active. The gangs committed two robberies on transport, robbed 3 cooperatives, the Dzigovskaya post and telegraph office, the cash desk of the Nenarchansk rural power station and the Pliskovskaya district financial account. Within a month, the leaders of the Sapon, Dubina and Kocherga gangs were killed, the Chernilevsky gang and a number of unaccounted criminal gangs were liquidated in full. There are 113 bandits and 16 gangs in Ukraine (132 bandits and 18 gangs in November).
Siberia. With the declaration of Siberia unfavorable in terms of banditry and a series of measures taken on this basis, as well as with the onset of the harsh Siberian winter, banditry sharply decreased. The most active gang of Zamashchikov and the remnants of Orlovʹs gang in the Biysk district were liquidated. There are 6 gangs with 79 gangsters in Siberia (in November 9 gangs with 106 gangsters).
DVO. In connection with the onset of winter, the activity of criminal and political banditry and hunkhuzism decreased. The number of all types of banditry has also significantly decreased. In total, the Far Eastern Military District has 12 gangs with 67 gangsters (in November there were 14 gangs with 139 gangsters). There is also a decline in foreign banditry due to poor supply of white bandits and the internal process of decomposition of white bandits on the Chinese side. Due to the lack of leadership of the white bands from the foreign monarchical centers within the bands, an antagonism arises between the leading elite and the rank and file, in which the tendencies towards voluntary transfer and turnout to our territory are intensifying.
Deputy Chairman of the OGPU Yagoda
Head of the Information Department of the OGPU Prokofiev
Correct: Secretary of INFO OGPU Soloviev
APPENDIX No. 1
[WORKERS]
Metalworkers
1. Strikes
1. Podolsk plant Gosshveimashiny (Moscow province) Workers 3600 people. On November 16, workers in the assembly shop (200 people) filed an application with RKK demanding payment of under‐
production for the second half of October and the first half of November due to poor quality of the material. Since the statement of the workers of the RKK was not dismantled in a timely manner, on December 5, 200 workers of the assembly shop suspended work in the morning. At 10 oʹclock. the strike was ended. The conflict is resolved in favor of the workers.
2. F‐ka ʺLuch” Vladmetalltrest (281 workers). On December 11, 25 fellers quit their jobs, demanding a 10% increase in wages (before that there was a 25% increase), the rest of the factory workers said that in case of refusal, the fellers would need to support them. On December 12, the administration promised to meet the workersʹ demand and the conflict was settled.
3. Pervomaisky plant GOMZ (former Tashin plant) of Nizhny Novgorod province. On December 8, 1925, 300 workers of the Patchinsky, Saltykovsky and Glokhminsky mines of the plant went on strike and did not start work for 3 and a half days, demanding an increase in prices and the abolition of deductions for candles and tools. After negotiations with the Vrid Prezavkom and a representative of the Union of Metalworkers, the workers stopped the strike, stating that they would not have quit their jobs if the RCP member Lesin, who was observing the work, had not answered their request with abuse and a proposal to “get out of the mines in 24 hours. The workersʹ demand to cancel payment for candles and tools is satisfied.
4. Plant ʺKommunarʺ No. 3 (Zaporozhye). December 15 at 11 a.m. day in the foundry went on strike 8 cupola workers, demanding an increase in wages for 2000 poods. casting not taken into account when paying. After a 4‐hour strike, the administration agreed to meet the workersʹ demand.
5. Plant them. Lenin (Yekaterinoslav province). Pipe cutters are unhappy with their salary. In this regard, 10‐15 people do not go to work every day.
6. Plant them. Schmidt (Transcaucasia). On December 5, 40 turners of the machine shop stopped work due to the delay in renegotiating the collective agreement between the Metalworker Union and Azneft. On December 5, at a general meeting with the participation of representatives of ASPS and Azneft, the issue with the collective agreement was finally resolved, it was decided not to allow prices that give 120% over‐production, and to increase prices with overproduction below 90% by 30%.
V. Dneprovsky plant (Ukraine). November 16 60 workers of the first shift of the rail‐bolt workshop from 6 oʹclock. mornings did not start work, demanding a wage increase. After 6 hours. the workers stopped the strike on condition that the issue be resolved on the same day. The investigation found that the plant management, despite the strikes last month, did not take any measures to eliminate the causes of concern to the workers (improper organization of work in the workshop, causing downtime that is not paid, lack of tools, etc.). On November 17, without waiting for the promised response, workers filed a second application demanding a 90% wage increase. On November 18, at a general meeting, this demand was rejected by the majority of the workers in the workshop.
8. Izhevsk plant (Votsk region). The workers of the hunting rifle workshop (40 people) are unhappy with the reduction in prices by 50% from 22 to 11 kopecks. behind the bed. They quit their job on November 24. Representatives of the factory committee were on the side of the workers, promising to influence the ZTNB. On November 26, workers went to work, threatening to renew the strike if prices were not revised by December 1. Workersʹ dissatisfaction arose even during the first cut in prices by 50% from 44 to 22 kopecks. The conflict was settled by an increase in prices up to 18 kopecks. behind the bed. Five strike leaders have been dismissed, causing worker discontent.
2. Collective bargaining and rising costs
9. Power plant (Odessa). The workers are extremely unhappy with the new collective agreement. At the general meeting, everyone, including the party members, spoke out against the proposed conditions, stating that a slight increase would not improve the situation, since the cost was growing. An agreement was not reached and the case was referred to the arbitration commission. Due to dissatisfaction, the intensity of work decreases.
10. Machine‐building plant of small‐weaving equipment of Mashinotrest (Moscow, 750 workers). The workers are unhappy with the inclusion in the already signed collective agreement of a clause on the abolition of payment for 2 Saturday hours without discussing this issue with the workers. At a general meeting of the workers, it was decided at all costs to seek through the Union payment for Saturday hours.
11. Vladikavkaz power plant. Due to the rising cost of living, workers have submitted 14 applications for higher wages.
12. Tagil Plant (N. Tagil Mining District). At the delegate meeting of representatives from the shops, where the question of concluding a new collective agreement was discussed, all the workers of the section rolling shop came, having suspended work. When discussing the production rate, the workers declared that their rates were too high, and it was necessary to lower them. Some said that no norms were needed at all. The secretary of the cell, who spoke in defense of the norms, was bombarded with ridicule and obscene language. Then the workers of the section rolling shop went to another room, where they conferred for a few minutes and, returning, unanimously declared that they did not need production quotas.
13. Cartridge plant them. Volodarsky (Ulyanovsk). With the rise in prices for basic necessities, there is ferment among the workers. The 15% increase in the factory recently, according to the workers, was completely offset by the 25% increase in the prices of food on the market.
3. Dissatisfaction with billing
14. Factory ʺKrasny Putilovets” (Leningrad) In the crucible‐blacksmith workshop, blacksmiths Zhirbis, Vorontsov, Khryushin (an anti‐Soviet element) and professional representative Osipov are systematically campaigning among blacksmiths for higher wages.
On November 25 last [1925] Vorontsov and Zhirbis drew up a statement to the RKK, signed by 18 workers (including members of the All‐Union Communist Party), with a request to increase the prices for blacksmithing. It is characteristic that while the average earnings in a workshop is 80‐90 rubles. a month, Vorontsov and Khryushin generate 120 rubles, and Zhirbis ‐ 130 rubles. Anticipating that RKK might reject their request, Girbis suggests lowering quality and reducing production.
15. 1st State Plant (Pavlograd District). Several foundry workers demanded an increase in prices and, when they were denied by the plant management, said they would quit their job. The wages of foundry workers are normal.
16. At Krasnoy Vyborzhts (Leningrad) one group of workers earns 100125 rubles. a month, other workers 65‐70 rubles, workers explain this by nepotism.
17. Katavsky plant (Yuzhuraltrest). Workers of the blast‐furnace shop are dissatisfied with the fact that at the Zlatoust plant in the blastfurnace shop, earnings are 30‐35 rubles. per month, their own earnings does not exceed 18‐20 rubles.
18. Factory ʺKrasnaya Zvezda” (Zinovievsky District). Skilled workers complain about low wages, stressing that unskilled workers earn more than 60 rubles, while locksmiths, on average, 45 rubles. There have been reported cases of skilled workers selling workwear due to low wages.
19. Carriage Works GOMZ (Tver). There are no fixed prices for work at the plant. When workers demand to give them a quote when they receive work, they answer: ʺWork, you will not be offended.ʺ As a result, after completing the work, the prices are significantly reduced.
20. At the former Westinghouse plant (Yaroslavl Gubernia), the administration lowered prices due to the large extra earnings.
21. Kiev Arsenal. Dissatisfied with the cut in prices, workers leave Arsenal. There is a tendency to leave the Union.
22. Machine‐building plant ʺProletarian freedom” (Yaroslavl province). The auxiliary worker receives 18‐20 rubles. per month.
23. Pipe plant (Samara province). A worker in the third category receives 17 rubles.
4. Interruptions in the supply of plants with raw materials and fuel
24. The Krasny Put metal plant (Moscow). Assembly shop on the eve of a shutdown due to the lack of round and broadband iron.
25. Nail plant them. Lenin (Sormovo). The wire shop stood for two weeks due to a lack of iron. The entire plant is under threat of shutdown.
26. State Mechanical Plant No. 1 named after Lenin (Tver province). There is an acute shortage of new cast iron and high‐quality iron. It is not expected to receive it in the near future. Wire stocks in the nail shop ran out on January 1, the shop was suspended, and some workers were laid off.
27. Plant them. Lenin of the Voronezh Machine‐Building Trust. Due to the lack of cast iron, the foundry was shut down for 3 weeks. The workersʹ mood is alarming due to possible interruptions in the work of the entire plant.
28. F‐ka ʺNail” (Poltava). Due to the lack of raw materials, the nail and block shops do not work.
29. Machine‐building plant ʺLuch” (Izium district). Due to the lack of timber, the carpentry shop stopped.
30. Syzran nail plant (Ulyanovsk province). The plant has been suspended since December 12 due to a lack of raw materials. On this basis, the workers accuse the director of mismanagement and negligence.
31. Nizhne‐Salda plant (Ural). Due to lack of fuel on December 13, blast furnace No. 6 was shut down, in connection with which the enterprises of Metallotrest were threatened, since the blast furnace feeds cast iron, besides Salda, also the factories of Kushva and Tagil.
32. Plant them. Zinovyeva (Omsk District). Due to the lack of cast iron and iron, several workshops (foundry, pipe, etc.) stopped.
Textile workers 1. Strikes
33. Teikovskaya m‐ra Gostrest (Ivanovo‐Voznesenskaya province). On December 12, about 70 water‐women went on strike, as the management did not fulfill its promise to re‐set the rates that existed before the leveling, which it gave during the first (November) waterwomen strike.
On December 14, the water ladies went on strike again. There were 54 water looms, as a result of which, due to a lack of yarn, 100 looms did not work. On December 15, the water ladies started to work. The water ladiesʹ request was not satisfied. The administration posted a notice warning the water women to be fired in the event of a new strike.
34. Faculty of the Rodnikovskaya m‐ry (Gostrest). On November 30, the foundry workers (15 people), having come to the RKK meeting, announced that they would not work at the rates of the leveling commission (9% lower than the old ones), and asked to transfer them to day work, RKK refused. The foundry workers quit their jobs and on December 2 this year. stated the calculation. December 2 this year to the foundry delegates, the directorate announced that temporarily, until the issue was clarified, the prices would be increased by 10%. This settled the conflict, and from December 3 of this year. the foundry workers started to work. Turner Panayev was the main initiator of the conflict.
35. F‐ka ʺRabkrai” Ivtextil (Ivanovo‐Voznesensk province.). December 15 at 8:00 In the morning, the workers of the spinning department of the 2nd floor quit their jobs and went to the factory demanding to increase prices, since the machines on the 2nd floor are more worn out than on the other floors, and the output on them is less. The management and the FZK promised to settle this issue, after which the workers began to work. The Textile Workers ʹUnion recognized the workersʹ demand as correct.
36. Istomkinsky factory (Bogorodsko‐Shchelkovsky trust, Moscow province, 2,486 workers). On December 5, 50 water women did not work for an hour due to incorrect calculation of the extra work. When checking the books, an inaccuracy was found.
37. F‐ka ʺDawn of socialism” (Yaroslavl province). In the bleaching department, 100 workers were not working, dissatisfied with the reduction in prices. The workers declare: “We were asked to raise labor productivity, we started, and we earned 40 rubles. a month, and they even slowed us down. ʺ
38. Faculty of Teikovskaya micro ‐ry of Gostrest (Ivanovo‐Voznesensk province). On December 3, 25 workers of the foundry went on strike. On December 4, the strike was ended.
2. Workersʹ dissatisfaction with the level of wages
39. B. Ivanovo‐ Mr. Ascension (Gostresta). The workers are worried about the rise in market prices for food supplies, and there is a perception among the workers that a raise in wages is necessary.
40. 1st Republican factory (Kostroma, weaving and sailing department). The workers complain about low wages, pointing out that their earnings are not increasing due to the rise in norms, and the prices of food and manufactured goods are constantly rising. ʺWhere is the price cut that is being talked about everywhere.ʺ
41. Yazykovskaya cloth factory (Ulyanovsk). The stokers filed an application to increase their earnings to 40 rubles. (receive 30 rubles for the 7th category). They motivate their demand by the rise in prices for agricultural products by 20%.
42. Faculty of Saratov m‐ry (Saratov). Workers claim that the rise in food prices has ʺcanceled out the increase in wages.ʺ
43. Dyeing and printing factory ʺVictory of the proletariat” (YegoryevskoRamensky trust, workers 2362 people, Moscow province). The departure of skilled locksmiths and turners to other factories is observed due to the refusal of the administration to raise the wages of the workers of the machine shop.
44. F‐ka Rabkrai (Ivtekstil, Ivanovo‐Voznesensk province). Bank of the abandoned apprentices unhappy with the salary. The apprentice Bolshakov says: ʺSince apprentices are not appreciated here, they only have to go collectively to Leningrad, they need specialists there.ʺ If in two weeks the salary is not increased, the apprentices intend to leave.
45. Gorbatovsk rope‐rope factories ʺSetesnast” (Nizhny Novgorod, workers up to 1000 people). Workers are unhappy with low wages. An average skilled worker earns 10‐15 rubles. per month, and master textiles no more than 25 rubles.
3. Leveling wages (Ivanovo‐Voznesenskaya province)
46. Faculty of the Sosnenskaya m‐ry (Ivtextil). On December 4, at a general meeting of workers on the report on the leveling of wages, workers (members of the RCP (b)) Vorobiev and Ksenofontov sharply criticized the leveling. The meeting adopted a resolution: ʺConsider leveling abnormal, ask the commission to travel to the field in the future and evaluate the work according to each qualification.ʺ
47. Yakovlevskaya, Vasilievskaya and Rogachevskaya factories. The prices set by the leveling created a sharp difference in the pay of workers of the same qualifications (locksmiths, turners, electricians, etc.) at these factories (the lowest pay is at the Yakovlevskaya factory).
RKK decided to resolve this issue by reducing wages at other factories to the level of the Yakovlevskaya factory, which caused sharp discontent on the part of the workers. The question has been submitted to the Flax Administration (Moscow) for permission. Waiting for refusal, the workers are preparing a joint strike of machine shops in three factories.
48. Novo‐Ivanovo‐Voznesenskaya m‐ra (Ivtextile). The printers get fewer raklist workers. The workers ironically say about the printing master that ʺas a reward for the good performance of his duties, he should be transferred to a raklist.ʺ This abnormality in the payment of foremen affects the quality of work.
49. Shuiskaya factory number 2 (Gostrest). As a result of the increase in leveling, female workers on mules earn up to 70 rubles. a month, and the bank is only 40 rubles. Workers point out that before the revolution the difference in wages did not exceed 5 rubles. During the cleaning of the cars, 20 bank brosnits called the manager. department and demanded that he petition the State [tres] tom about the equalization of wages.
50. F‐ka ʺRed Profintern” (Gostrest). Working on calico, weavers earn
22‐27 rubles, on carriage looms ‐ 32‐45 rubles, on jacquard looms ‐ 66‐
90 rubles, such a difference in wages worries workers.
51. F‐ka ʺZaryadye” (Ivanovo‐Voznesenskaya m‐ra) of the State Trust. Workers of sprinklers and shiriloks (20 people) did not accept the leveling commissionʹs quotations and referred the case to the arbitration court. The court established a production rate that workers deliberately do not work out. The management of the factory, by means of timing and comparison with the output at other factories, found that the defect was simulated and, on the basis of the Labor Code, presented the workers with a calculation. The issue of the production rate will be examined for the second time in the arbitration court. Rabochiy Morozov says: “If the court makes the same decision as before, then the workers will be forced to investigate the case through the prosecutor’s office or they will send delegates to Comrade Kalinin ʺ.
52. F‐ka ʺKrasnovolzhskaya m‐raʺ. Painters, bricklayers, plasterers and carpenters express strong discontent with the significant increase to the weavers. “You have to give up your qualifications, go to study for two weeks and be a weaver,” they say. 4. Dissatisfaction with billing
53. 1st Republican factory (Kostroma). Finishing body. On January 1, a revision of production rates is to be expected, it is expected to increase them by 15‐20%. Among the workers in this regard, there are such conversations: “Previously, the employer spoiled the hardworking workers, increased their salaries, but now, if you work well, they will give you ... the norm. Our comrades (the Flax Administration) demanded an increase in labor productivity, the workers did it with honor, and received a reduction in wages. ʺ
54.1st Republican factory (Kostroma). By order of the Voenkhozupra, due to low prices and poor quality of yarn No. 53, up to 10,000 meters of canvas were rejected. The question of prices and quality of yarn is of great concern to weavers. The weavers of the 1st and 2nd shifts stopped the machines and called the head. factory for an explanation. The manager promised to increase the rates for those working on bad yarn. The weavers were not satisfied with this promise and having gathered in the lavatory, they elected two delegates to the FZK with instructions to achieve a general increase in prices for canvas by 25%, plus 10% for bad yarn. During the meeting, calls for a strike were heard.
55. Pavlo‐Pokrovsk factory (Bogorodsko‐Shchelkovsky trust, Moscow province, 7035 workers). There is observed the departure of weavers to the newly launched silk‐weaving factories (Gorodkovskaya and named after Sverdlov), where a weaver produces on average up to 50 rubles per loom. while at the Pavlo‐Pokrovsk factory the weaverʹs earnings on 2 looms do not exceed 40 rubles.
56. Nizhne‐Seredskaya factory of Gostrest (Ivanovo‐Voznesensk province). Bank employees earn 10 rubles. less bank‐brosnits of the Verkhne‐Seredskaya factory of Gostrest. The workers raised this question both at the factory committee and before the factory administration, but received no answer. The female workers intend to delegate their representative to the center to resolve this issue.
57. F‐ka ʺRolma” (Yaroslavl). Bank‐brokers get more ribbons, gettwalits get more card‐women, before the war there was no difference in payment. Workers express their dissatisfaction with these wage gaps.
58. Durnyatskaya cloth factory them. Nogina (Klintsy, Gomel province). Locksmiths earn 45‐50 rubles, and weavers ‐ up to 80 rubles. In this regard, some locksmiths intend to quit plumbing work and learn weaving.
Miners
1. Strikes
59. Kytlym platinum mines (Uralplatina). On December 8, 8 workers in the reconnaissance department quit their jobs in response to the refusal of the administration to add a shift of people to the workshop, where the working conditions for pumping water are extremely difficult.
2. Wage issues in the oil industry
60. Grozneft. Discontent with low wages gripped up to 60% of drilling workers (3rd‐7th grade) of the Staro‐Grozny oil fields. Earnings do not exceed 35 rubles. per month. The workers are naked. In all industries, there is talk that the Soviet government is exploiting them, that wages are lower than pre‐war, and only specialists are provided for everyone. The presidium of the minersʹ conference on November 20 received an anonymous letter from the drilling workers with a demand to improve their situation, it was indicated that ʺthe administration considers the workers worse than cattle, in tsarist times the workers lived better.ʺ
61. Grozneft. Workers of lower qualifications (up to the 6th grade) express dissatisfaction with the extremely insignificant wages (they receive only a bare rate of 24 rubles, without any additional earnings). Particularly sharp dissatisfaction was noted at oil refineries, where a group of ancillary workers of 300 people (3‐5th grade) intends, when discussing the collective agreement, to put forward a collective demand for payment of wages to them under the 6‐7th categories of the new agreement.
62. Azneft. In connection with the increase in food prices in the Gornyak cooperative (bread prices increased by 1 kopeck), the issue of a 25% increase became so acute that the Central Committee of the Minersʹ Union had to appeal to the workers of Az‐Neft with an appeal calling for calm. Since the question of the increase on the spot could not be resolved, an arbitration court was convened in Moscow, to which they went: Azneftʹs chief comrade Serebrovsky and representatives of the Union. The arbitral tribunal has passed a resolution to raise wages by 12% from October 1 last year.
3. Issues of wages in the coal and iron ore industries
63. Mine No. 4 of the Nesvetaevsky Ore Administration, Shakhtinsky District. A group of locksmiths was given piecework to procure water pipes. At the end of the work pom. The chief mechanic was paid not by piecework, but by teams (by the day), the workers said: ʺWe tried, we were exhausted, but we got nothing.ʺ
64. Mine them. Krylenko of Donetsk‐Grushevsky mining department, Shakhtinsky district. Skilled workers are unhappy that the earnings of a laborer are higher than the earnings of a carpenter (for the 23 days worked, carpenters received 25 rubles, and laborers, 30 rubles).
65. Group of mines them. Comrade Dzerzhinsky (Krivoy Rog district.). At the mines, a decrease in labor productivity is noted due to the nonapproval of the expected 60% increase under the new collective agreement.
66. Mine of the Nadezhda Combine (Urals). The workers at the mine filed a collective statement indicating that there are different wages in the faces of the same breed. The mining committee has not carried out an investigation.
67. Ridder mines (Semipalatinsk province) At the Zyryansk mine, unskilled workers earn 80 kopecks per day, and skilled workers ‐ 90 kopecks. Daily wages are also a source of discontent.
68. Suchansky mines (FEB). The artel of workers of mine No. 6 applied for an increase in their rates, threatening to be absent from work.
4. Equipment of mines and working conditions
69. Mine No. 2 ʺProletarian dictatorshipʺ of the Donetsk‐Hrushevsky mining administration of the Shakhty district. On December 2, at a party meeting, the workers, speaking, pointed out the difficult working conditions, because of which they are unable to work out the norm. The workers blamed the mining supervision, which does not take measures to carry out repairs in the workings.
70. Mine ʺOctober Revolution” (the same mining department). At the general meeting on November 28 on the report of the head. about the state of the mines, a number of workers pointed out the negligence of the mining supervision to their duties. The workers said that mining supervision forced them to work in extremely difficult conditions and, if refused, threatened with dismissal.
71. Mine ʺOctober Revolutionʺ of the Donetsk‐Grushevsky mining department of the Shakhty district. Large rock falls occur at the mine during operation due to the looseness of the seam. This causes recycling, as workers have to select the stone from the coal that falls into it during landslides. Workers are not paid for the extra time worked.
In the mechanical workshop of this mine, the rate has been increased due to urgent procurement of equipment. The workers have to work 12‐14 hours. per day. You donʹt pay for processing.
Other industries
1. Strikes
72. Kurlovsky glass factory (Vladimir province). On November 30, workers of the 2nd shift went on strike, demanding that the administration lower the temperature of the bath furnace, since glass is supposedly liquid for work. The strike lasted 1 hour. 10 minutes. Deputy the director suggested that the workers vacate the workbenches for the third shift, after which the workers began to work.
73. Pesochinskaya faience factory (Bryansk province). On December 22, 40 workers in the machine shop of the factoryʹs power plant went on strike, demanding an increase in the running‐in by 100%. After negotiations, the workers agreed to start work until the issue was resolved in the RKK. The RKK and FZK rejected the workersʹ demand and the workers stopped working again. On December 23, a joint meeting of the factory organizations with representatives of the Chemistsʹ Department of Labor and the Labor Inspector confirmed the first decision. The workers, in a resolution they adopted, condemned the strikers. The initiator and main organizer of the strike was the machinist Marachkin (he is in charge of the second strike in 1925) and the worker Naumkin, both former members of the CPSU (b). It is characteristic that by the time the work was stopped, the locomobile bearing was deliberately damaged (Marachkin is suspected), and Naumkin stopped the water supply to some of the shops.
74. Syasstroy (Leningrad Gubernia) On December 16, 28 cartelsʹ artels (300 people) stopped working, demanding higher wages. The strike was led by workers from Leningrad.
The next day the workers started to work, having decided to wait for the resolution of the issue in the construction department.
Workersʹ political mood
1. The tendency of workers to share in profits
75. Factory ʺRed Banner” (8,350 workers, Yegoryevsko‐Ramensky trust, Moscow province). Before discussing the new collective agreement, clerks Nitochkin (a former officer) and Lobachev said that ʺthe profits must be handed over to the workers.ʺ At the expanded plenum of the factory committee, together with the delegates, a demand was put forward to equalize the wages of textile workers with metalworkers and increase wages by 30%. Worker Taltskov, a member of the CPSU since 1925, declared: “We workers were oppressed in the past and are now oppressed; it is necessary to increase wages by 30% and divide all the profits of the factory: one third ‐ to the trust for the expansion of production, one third ‐ to the state and one third to be distributed equally among the workers. If the workers are not satisfied, it will be worse. ʺ
76. Leather factory ʺTruzhenik” (Moscow, 685 people). Worker Adamovich is campaigning for the participation of workers in profits: “Let a part of the profit go to the restoration of equipment and repairs, the rest of the surplus value should go in favor of the worker, but now the worker’s labor is not fully paid, but only try to exploit more. When the worker is interested in profits, he will be able to clear the offices of unnecessary staff. ʺ The workers associated with the village have a negative attitude towards his actions.
77. F‐ka them. Uritsky (Moscow). Some workers are positive about the idea of profit sharing. “The factory gave 200,000 rubles in a year. profits, some of this would go to the workers,” they say.
78. Sausage plant of the joint ‐ stock company ʺMyasoʺ (Moscow). In conversations, workers speak out for profit sharing. To the objection that the peasantry will be against this, they answer: ʺThe peasants will not pay attention and will bend the grudge in the same way as now.ʺ
79. F‐ka ʺRed Perekop” (Yaroslavl province). At the general meeting, the workers demanded a 7% increase, pointing to the 4/2‐millionth profit gained by the factory thanks to the increase in labor productivity. This demand was supported by the chairman of the provincial council of textile workers Smirnov and the workers of the party. The director of the factory, Sinyavin, spoke out against it, saying that the profit should go to the needs of industry. Speaking in the debate locksmith Pankov said to him: ʺDzerzhinsky in Moscow explained that all profits from the industry should be divided between the workers and because of the words have to move to makeʺ 298... At the suggestion of Smirnov, a resolution was adopted: ʺMake every effort to achieve a 7% increase in Moscow.ʺ The workers said that ʺif Moscow does not increase, then we must go on strike following the example of the Ivanovo‐Voznesensk workers.ʺ
80. Gosteklozavod N ° 1 ʺRed giant” (1300 workers, the village of Nikolskaya] Pestrovka, Penza province.). The outside labor force is not accepted at the plant, the Pestrovites answer to the claims of the peasants who were previously hired: ʺBe quiet, we feed you, the plant is ours and nothing else.ʺ Almost every month the workers raise the question of increasing wages and prices, and there is a tendency towards a complete distribution of profits among the workers. “There was a time when we supported the plant, but now that time has passed, a lot of funds remain free,” say the workers. The former Menshevik specialist Rogov is campaigning for the division of profits.
81. 7th Gostypography. When reading the draft collective agreement, some non‐party workers demanded an increase in rates and a decrease in production rates, pointing out that the trust should divide the profit between the workers, since the enterprise is the property of the workers.
2. Leveling tendencies
82. Bone processing plant (Leningrad). Non‐party people and communists, dissatisfied with low rates, say: “They explain to us that we are going through a difficult period of revival of our industry. Cape agree with this and receiving now 80 rubles. a month, we are ready to receive 50 rubles, but let our red directors and other communists receive the same amount. ʺ
83. Mint (Leningrad). During the lunch break, the workers of the 1st shift of the new printing workshop called the chairman of the factory committee Dron, who was attacked with the following shouts: “You have broken away from the masses, you sit in the factory committee and get 130 rubles. a month, but we have families, and we only get 60 rubles. You have become bourgeois. ʺ etc. Members of the CPSU (b) also took part in these attacks.
84. Belevsky distillery (Tula). On December 14, when wages were paid for 15 days of November in the bottling department, workers, with the approval of the factory committee, arbitrarily made a wage equation; workers receiving 5‐6 and 7th grade were equated to the 4th grade, and the difference was divided among all workers. Workers of the 5th, 6th and 7th categories are outraged.
85. IV plenum of the [ub] o [section] of the Union of textile workers (Tula). Speaking in the debate, the locksmith Murzin said: “When you piled work on us, when you reduced prices, you told us about the bow. And what did you do yourself. As you received 100‐250 rubles, you get it. You, as leaders, should say: ʺThis is a lot for usʺ ‐ and would give 50 rubles each. from earnings to lower the prices of goods. And you add everything to yourself, and subtract the worker. ʺ 3. Anti‐Soviet sentiments and anti‐Soviet agitation
a) Economic issues
86. Teikovskaya m‐ra (Ivanovo‐Voznesenskaya province). Rabochiy Gradusov (an active participant in the May conflict) said: “Now a new bourgeoisie has grown up in the Soviet system and is no different from the old one. This bourgeoisie must be abolished. The revolution is not over yet, and we must fight to the end. ʺ In conclusion, he called on the workers to strike.
87. 1st Republican factory (Kostroma). Some workers of the finishing shop in conversations say: “We used to work for the owner for 10 hours. and the Bolsheviks assured us that the owner was exploiting us too much; now we work for 8 hours, and we get tired as in 16 hours. work, and besides, the communists are constantly increasing the norms and call it not exploitation, but raising labor productivity. ʺ
88. Plant ʺRed Autogen” (Leningrad). The blacksmith Mitrofanov (a former member of the RCP) told the workers: ʺUnder military communism it was much better, but NEP was invented by those communists who wanted to get a profitable job, the real communards left the party in batches when NEP was announced.ʺ
89. Plant ʺKrasny Putilovets” (Leningrad). The plumber of the repair and assembly workshop, Sokolov, addressing the workers who receive little money, says: ʺYou are the masters, and you have a poor salary, you should add more.ʺ
90. Plant ʺKrasnoe Sormovo” (Nizhny Novgorod). Locksmith Baranov (weighing shop) is agitating among the workers that state enterprises are exploiting workers in every possible way, and when no juice can be squeezed out, they throw them overboard, etc.
91. Cartridge Factory (Tula). The receiver of the supply department of the plant Savostyanov (a member of the CPSU) constantly tells the workers: “Just as we, the workers, were under the oppression of the capitalists, so now, there is no difference, as long as you bend a hump, you correspond, and as you break it, no one will need it. ʺ.
b) Political issues
92. Plant ʺRed Triangle” (Leningrad). Pipe workshop. Worker Rybinsky is conducting anti‐Soviet agitation, using for this all the petty discontent of the workers. Rybinsky attends meetings of the collective of the CPSU (b). At the last meeting after the report of Comrade Sarkis Rybinsky said that ʺhe would take the floor to criticize the report, but due to the lack of freedom of speech, this is impossible.ʺ
93. Plant ʺRed Triangle” (Leningrad). The former Menshevik Fedorov spoke at the general factory conference on the re‐election of the factory committee, who tried to use the partial discontent of the workers in order to turn them against the Soviet regime. In conclusion, Fedorov said: “As in the old days, Moscow was at war with Veliky Novgorod, so now the workers of Leningrad are at war with Moscow, where American emigrants are sitting, 299 who do not want to talk to the workers. So much for the dictatorship of the proletariat. ʺ The workers applauded him.
94. Yeast distillery ʺKrasnaya Zarya” (Belarus). A temporary worker, speaking about the dispersal of a demonstration in Poland, said that ʺin the USSR they will not pat the head for this either.ʺ ʺTake, for example, the Polish flag and walk the streets singing songs against the Soviet regime ‐ we would all be shot.ʺ
95. 2nd State Yeast Plant (Kiev). Worker Pavlovsky says: “The nonparty masses have no rights. You cannot tell the truth,” and so on.
96. Lower Dnieper Yekaterinoslavskaya railway d. (Ukraine). According to the report of the chairman of the Council of Peopleʹs Commissars Comrade Chubar received notes with the following content: ʺWhy broad democracy is carried out only in words and not in deeds, why are they not allowed to public work, the old Socialist‐Revolutionaries who worked a lot and who are here.ʺ
97. Stepanovskiy sugar plant (Vinnytsia district). The technical secretary of the factory committee, Berson, proves to the workers that “the Soviet Republic has degenerated into a new form of a bourgeois country; soon the Communist Party will have to go into opposition, because thanks to the new methods of re‐election, Mensheviks and others will get to the Soviets, since in our country 70% of peasants and merchants also received the right to vote. ʺ
98. Perm gun factory GUVP (Ural). The workers of the electrical shop, regarding the transition of the electrical shop to self‐financing, say: ʺWell, again we will be in tight‐knit gloves.ʺ Worker Melnikov, taking advantage of this, tries to incite the workers of the shop against the Communist Party, saying: “You see what the Communist Party brings you, not freedom, but bondage; the power of the Soviets is pure, but without the communists. ʺ
Workers and trade unionists
1. Re‐election of the FZK
99. St. Kshen M [oskovsko‐] K [ievo‐] In [oronezh] railway (Kursk province, Shchigrovsky district). In early December, re‐elections of the local committee of transport workers were held. The local cell of the CPSU (b) outlined in advance the candidates for the local committee and the chairman of the meeting (member of the RCP) Gushchin. At the meeting, contrary to the decision of the cell, a member of the RCP Artemenko, delegated to the re‐election of the local committee of transport workers, challenged Gushchin and a non‐partisan was elected chairman. Nominations nominated by a cell in the local area were rejected. When Artemenko asked whether he would like to miss the meeting at all in the local committee of the RCP members, voices were heard: ʺWe have lived and will live without party members.ʺ After that, the secretary of the RCP cell, Mironenko, loudly invited all members and candidates of the RCP to leave the meeting, which they did. The local committee was elected exclusively from nonparty members. Non‐party employees under Art. Kshen Pozdnyakov D.A., Shutov M.G.
\ 00. Astrakhan lips. At a meeting of workers in the cooperage industry (900 people), the report of the FZK No. 8 was heard. The report mainly referred to the correspondence and reporting of the FZK. The workers interrupted the speaker, demanding from him a report on production and cultural and educational work. In response, the speaker burst into accusatory speech against the workers, explaining the weakness of the work of the FZK by their passivity. This caused an explosion of indignation from the audience. When the re‐election of the FZK began, as opposed to the list consisting of party members and scheduled by the delegatesʹ meeting, the meeting put forward its own list. The majority abstained when voting for candidates for members of the RCP. Exclamations were heard: ʺThey already sat with us, but did nothing.ʺ Almost all non‐party candidates were adopted unanimously. As a result, not a single party member received more than 40 votes, non‐partisan ‐ less than 170‐180. Thus, the composition of FZK No. 8 after the re‐election does not have a single party member.
101. Kazatinsky section (South‐West railways, Ukraine). At the reelection of the local committee No. 1 of the Kazatin depot by a majority of votes, the old chairman, comrade Mosquito. Komar enjoys great prestige among the workers. Uchprofsozh instead of Komar was appointed Comrade Kononkov. This angered the workers, there was talk: ʺWhy was it necessary to play a comedy with re‐elections and shout about broad democracy.ʺ
102. Belevsky distillery (Tula). On December 14, when the factory committee was re‐elected for the post of chairman, the party member Zimin was nominated by members of the RCP Alimpiev and
Filimonova. Despite the fact that Zimin received less than half of the votes, he was promoted to the factory committee. After the vote, Filimonova began to reproach the workers that they did not understand the importance of the elections, if Zimin was recommended by the presidium, then the workers must definitely vote for him. After the reelection, the attitude of the workers towards the factory committee was clearly hostile.
103. Staro‐Dmitrovskaya and Malo‐Dmitrovskaya m‐ry (IvanovoVoznesenskaya province). At a general meeting devoted to cooperation issues, when a list of candidates for delegates and members of the Ivanovo‐Voznesensk EPO shop commission was proposed, all the workers got up from their seats and went to the exit with the words: ʺThere is nothing to do here, they chose without us.ʺ
2. Opposition groups
104. The third lithography Tabtresta (Leningrad). The general meeting of workers for the re‐election of the factory committee was disrupted by a group of workers, which includes: machine printers Taraskov and Skinder, blacksmith Smirnov, engravers Podruzhinsky and Lichtenstein (the last former Menshevik, has connections with those deported to Solovki). This group is actively preparing for re‐elections, which are to be held the other day, intending to nominate its list of delegates to the factory committee.
105. Trumpark them. Konyashina (Leningrad). The conference on the reelection of the local committee was noisy. Burovin, the carriage driver, said: ʺWe have nothing to do here, why did we come here when their (i.e., the communists) mandate is ready and the elections have been made.ʺ Locksmith Sobolev: “War communism is gone. Enough of such orders that as the collective decides, it should be so. It is enough to distinguish between the communist and the non‐party. Now let the non‐partisan think and choose freely. ʺ He was supported by the duty Zherebenkov. This group nominated a list of candidates for the local committee exclusively from opposition workers. The assembly failed the list *.
There are no messages numbered 106 and 107 in the document.
3. Dissatisfaction with the work of trade union organizations
108. Izhevsk factories (Votoblast). 25‐30% of the workers participated in the revision of the newly concluded collective agreement. They absolutely did not want to listen to the rapporteurs of the factory committee, declaring that ʺwe have nothing to do at the meeting.ʺ “Before the renegotiation, the factory committee did not want to preliminarily work out the contract for the workshops, but limited itself to discussing it with the technical staff. Now that the agreement has already been concluded, it is useless to speak and criticize. ʺ
109. Plant ʺRed Plowman” (Omsk District). Worker Polekhin, a nonpartisan, says: “Just as a private owner did not sign a labor agreement, they cooed, and we were overdue for a month, so thatʹs nothing. Bastards sit in the Union; they are compromisers and nothing more. If our Unions work like this, the Soviet power is unlikely to last long. ʺ
Concession workers
[1.] Lena‐Goldfield Concession
110. Sysert plant (Ural). The workers are eagerly awaiting the conclusion of the collective agreement with the concessionaires. Conversations boil down to wage increases. Workers await the start of construction and renovation.
111. Revda plant (Ural). Among the workers, one can often hear such conversations: ʺThis is what happened before ‐ the British were allowed on the very path, and we are standing at the threshold.ʺ Some of the workers and young party members explain the meaning of concessions in the following way: ʺLet the British build factories, and we will expel them in 5‐6 years.ʺ The workers are eagerly awaiting the moment of concluding an agreement with the concessionaires, intending to get as much as possible for their work, as they ʺwork for the capitalists.ʺ
112. Chemical plant (Ural). The employees and part of the workers of ʺVater‐Zhaketʺ presented a greeting address to the concessionaires who had arrived.
113. Polevskoy plant (Ural). Some of the workers (lumberjacks) intend, bypassing the trade union, to negotiate wages directly with the concessionaires.
114. Concession ʺGeorgian Manganeseʺ. With the transition of the mines to a concession, workers expected significant material improvements, but their expectations were not met: living conditions and wages remained the same, while working conditions at the mines deteriorated significantly. In a number of mines, work is carried out on a contract basis, contractors hire piecework workers, workers are often employed up to 12 oʹclock. per day and with difficulty earn daily wages, which are received by workers in the mines of local manganese producers. Until recently, no improvements have been made in manganese mining.
The relationship of workers with the administration
115. Car repair plant (Yaroslavl province). On the basis of a reduction in prices for piecework, the workers of the machine shop intend to take out the appraiser Stepanov in a wheelbarrow.
116. Faculty named after Khalturina (Leningrad Gubernia). Strong discontent of the workers is caused by the issuance of bonuses to specialists in the amount of 1,300 rubles. up to RUB 1,500 from the profits of 1923‐1924.
117. Plant ʺBolshevik” (Leningrad province). On the basis of rudeness and unauthorized reduction of prices of the head. In the machine shop, engineer Pekhov among the workers noted talks about the need to throw Pekhov from the second floor. In early December, a collective application was filed with a request to remove Pekhov from the plant.
118. Lutuginsky state plant (Krivoy Rog district). Massive discontent of the workers with the chief engineer, whom the workers intend to take out in a wheelbarrow for rudeness and bureaucracy, is noted.
119. Mine N ° 1 of the Bokovo‐Khrustalny mine administration (Luhansk district). Pom. Head mine Safonov is rude to workers. There was a case when he grabbed the worker Povstyanov by the chest. The worker grabbed a pick and chased Safonov. The latter fled. Head At the mine, Reznikov is no less rude to workers than his assistant.
120. Krasnozvezdinsky Raf [other] plant (Sumy district). The factory administrator Drozdov and his assistant Lyusin rouse the working masses with their rudeness and arrogance. On December 6, workers came to the plant a little ahead of their shift to get warm; they entered the premises of the plant, Drozdov began to scold them for this and, with the help of the police, expelled the workers from the premises. After this incident, pasted up leaflets appeared at the plant: “Factory committee, if you haven’t woken up yet, you don’t hear the groans of workers from the executioner Drozdov; if you don’t take action, then we will not stop at anything and will move on and on. RH workers. December 6 this year. ʺ
121. Grozneft. The workersʹ anger against a number of specialists (the engineer of the 5th group, the manager of the 2nd group, etc.) for their rudeness and frequent threats of dismissal continues to be noted. In the opinion of many workers, two or three engineers should be beaten, and then the Party and the Soviet government will take action.
122. Prokopyevsky mine (Kuznetsk district). In connection with the allegedly incorrect records of the work of auxiliary workers, among them there was a tendency to take the foreman in a wheelbarrow.
123. Kemsky mine (Anzhero‐Sudzhensky mines). Under the new collective agreement, the miner must have 18 outputs and receive a 30% premium for each ruble earned. Head By mining, Grigoriev (a member of the All‐Union Communist Party) proposes to abolish the surcharge of 30% and increase the number of exits to 20. In this regard, even the chairman of the WASH district committee himself fears that ʺsomeone will have to ride a wheelbarrow.ʺ
Factory employees
124. B. Dmitrovskaya‐m‐ra (Gostrest). The employees say that if the increase is not given to them, they will go on strike.
125. Mechanical Plant No. 1 GSNKh (Ivanovo‐Voznesensk Gubernia). The employees received a 10% increase in wages ‐ significantly less than the workers of the same factory, employees expressed dissatisfaction with the size of the increase, indicating that workers with piecework would be able to [go] far beyond the established wages, while for an employee it was impossible.
126. F‐ki them. Shagov and them. Nogina (Ivanovo‐Voznesensk province). Employees express strong dissatisfaction with the fact that the leveling of wages affected only workers. “In the Soviet state, civil servants do not enjoy either economic or political rights,” the employees say. ʺThe textile workersʹ union does not protect our interests; we need to stand out in a special union of factory employees.ʺ We noted the same trends last month at four other factories in Ivanovo‐Voznesensk province. Employees f‐k them. Shagov and them. Nogin appealed to the department of the Textile Union with a request to convene a regional conference of employees to resolve economic issues. There is talk that not today or tomorrow we can expect a strike by the employees of the Ivanovo‐Voznesensk factories.
127. Don Gol (Ukrainian SSR). On the initiative of the employees of the mining supply department, a statement was drawn up in the name of the administration demanding payment for overtime work to draw up the annual report of the trust in the amount of two monthsʹ salary, in case of refusal, they threaten to be absent from service. The application was signed by up to 120 people. The local committee approved a payment in the following amount: a monthly salary for those who receive a load, for the rest ‐ overtime payment.
128. Zlatoust Mechanical Plant (Yuzhuraltrest). In connection with the preparation of the report for the 1924‐1925 operational year, the employees submitted a collective written application to the administration refusing free overtime and put forward a demand for payment of 40 rubles. to each. After the refusal of the administration, the employees demanded to convene a general meeting, at which there were a number of sharp statements against the administration and trade union organizers: installed. Tell me bluntly ‐ how long you have to work ‐ 6, 8, 12 hours or around the clock. Technical personnel are encouraged everywhere, but we are not given anything. ʺ The meeting adopted a resolution: to give the Union and the administration a threeday period to resolve the issue of overtime with the trust. Employees threaten to stop working overtime.
129. Podolsk mechanical plant ʺGosshveimashina” (Moscow province). The shop clerks and storekeepers in the amount of 200 people intended to suspend work in connection with the cancellation of the payment of 25% of the load.
130. Employees of the settlement desk of the main office of the Tula Cartridge Plant in the amount of 40 people in the morning of December 31, 1925, quit their jobs and submitted to the RKK a collective application with a request to reconsider the issue of bonus remuneration (the new witchcraft reduced from 50% to 15%). The petition of their RKK was partially satisfied: the remuneration was increased by 5%.
131. F‐ka ʺZaryadyeʺ. At a general meeting, employees demanded that they pay half an hour before the holiday for lunch, which they do not use because of the rush nature of their work.
Rightʺ
APPENDIX # 2
ELECTION OF VILLAGE COUNCILS
1. Participation of the population in the re‐election of village councils
a) Pre‐election campaign
Centre. 1. Moscow province. Moscow u. In Bednyakovskaya Vol. the meeting for the election of representatives to the election commission was attended by 25% of the population. In the village. Mnevniki Kozlovsky parish and der. Biryulevo Leninskaya Vol. reporting meetings were attended by no more than 15‐20% of voters. In the village. Lyubertsy and Zhulebino Ukhtomsky vol. pre‐election meetings were disrupted due to the absence of voters. In the village. Khlebnikovo Communist Vol. the pre‐election meeting was called 4 times.
2. Kostroma province. In the Army, Mitinskaya and Teterinskaya volosts of the Nerekhtsky district. enlarged plenums of VIKs and village councils did not take place due to the absence of peasants and members of village councils. Participation of the population at regional conferences in Prechistenskaya parish. Galichsky u. significantly more than in previous years. In Bychikhinskaya Vol. Kostroma u. up to 90% of voters attended pre‐election meetings.
3. Ivanovo‐Voznesenskaya province. In Seredskaya Vol. Seredsky u. the plenum, scheduled for November 15, 1925, according to the report of the VIC, did not take place due to the absence of the VIC members. For the uyezd, the plenum was held only in the Shitakovsky district, which was attended by election commissions from 5 villages. Across Timoshinskaya Vol. at the reporting meetings, most of the peasants present were not interested in reports. In with. Timoshino was attended by about 100 people. After the first report on the work of the VIK, most of the peasants dispersed, and no more than 15 people attended the second report on the work of the village council.
4. At the reporting meeting of the Semenovsky Volost Executive Committee and the District Council in Kineshemsky district. attended by up to 200 people, the peasants actively participated in the debate.
5. In Yuryevetsky district the attendance of pre‐election meetings ranges from 37 to 50%.
6. Ryazan lips. In Elatomskaya parish. Kasimovsky u. the attendance of pre‐election meetings reaches 90%. According to Fadeevsky, Lobkovsky, Ivanovsky and Kochukovsky village councils Fofanovskaya vol. Ryazhsky the population is passive towards reelections, declaring: “It doesn’t matter whoever was elected, as long as he didn’t press, but he didn’t draw up protocols, whoever is not a priest to us is all dad”. In with. Semyonovo‐Aleksinsky Ryazan Vol. and the county 40 people out of 187 voters came to the reporting meeting; Shumoshi out of 688 voters was present only 41 people.
7. Kaluga province. According to Maloyaroslavetsky u. compared to last yearʹs re‐election campaign, the number of participants in preelection meetings has increased by 30‐60%.
8. Kursk province. Belgorodsky u. In the Old Town parish. out of 400 delegates, 17 people came to the volost peasant non‐party conference, in Pushkarskaya parish. out of 300 delegates ‐ 40 people, in Shakhovskoy parish. out of 500 delegates ‐ 36 people, in Shebekinskaya parish. to the conference, except for delegates from. Shebekino, nobody showed up. In the 2nd Ponyrovsky society, out of 3,000 voters, about 50 people attended the pre‐election meeting. In the Bykovskiy village council of Tomarovskaya vol. the pre‐election meeting was convened for 2 days. Attendance at pre‐election meetings in Tomarovskaya par. ‐ about 30% of voters in Veselo‐Lopanskaya vol. ‐ 20‐25%. Only on rare occasions did up to 50% of the population attend meetings. Along the Belovskaya Vol. Graivoronsky u. ‐ up to 23% of the population.
9. In Timskaya parish. Shchigrovsky u. the peasant non‐partisan conference, after repeated convocations, was held with the participation of 33 people out of more than 200 delegates. In with. Of the 312 delegates, 40 people came to the conference.
10. Along Vyshne‐Derevenskaya, Sudzhanskaya, Zhigaevskaya and Kilikinskaya volosts of Lgovskiy u. pre‐election meetings met two or three times. The meetings were attended by 30% of voters. In the villages of Zamosc, Cherkasskaya and Russkaya Lists of the Sudzhanskaya vol. the peasants gathered for meetings only after they learned that they would be fined for failure to appear.
11. Oryol province. Pre‐election meetings attended: according to
Novosilsky. in Verkhovsky district ‐ 70‐80% of voters, in Mtsensky district ‐ up to 50%, in Turovsky district only 50 voters out of 172, in Dyachensky district out of 185 people ‐ 30 people; according to Livensky. in the Lenin parish ‐ 50‐60%, according to the Maloarkhangelsky district. in Temiryazevsky district ‐ 40‐60%, in Morozinsky district ‐ up to 50%, in Dmitrovsky district. in two districts of the Military Vol. ‐ 65%, in the Chuvardinsky region ‐ up to 50%, in the Lubyanka parish. ‐ 60‐70%, in the village. Gremyachy Volkovskaya Vol. ‐ 60% and according to the Eletsky standard. in with. Alekseevka Kamenskaya par. out of 114 people, 40 people were present.
12. Tambov province. Kozlovsky u. In with. Ekaterinino Yaroslavl par. the meeting on the report of the VIK did not take place due to the absence of the peasants. Along Glazkovskaya Vol. only 3,000 attended the seven reporting meetings. On 4 village councils of the Assumption vol. up to 30% of the population attended pre‐election meetings, and in some places only 13%.
13. Borisoglebskiy u. In with. Transportation of Lukinskaya vol. the pre‐election meeting was postponed 3 times due to the absence of voters. In with. M.‐Alabukhi B.‐Alabukhov vol. out of 2150 voters, 213 people were present at the secondary meeting for the election of the election commission; Burnak Zherdevskoy parish 45 people out of 6749 voters turned up at the pre‐election meeting.
14. Tambov district In Sampurskaya, Koptevskaya and B.‐Lipovitskaya volosts, 10‐15% of voters attended pre‐election meetings. In some villages, meetings were called several times. In the Bondarskaya and P.Uglovskaya volosts, the peasants absolutely refused to go to the reporting meetings, convened several times. In with. Kamenki of the same volost at the pre‐election meeting was attended by 10% of voters, in the village. Timofeevka ‐ up to 20% of voters, in the villages of Afanasyevka and Kulebyakino‐Barinka ‐ 8%.
15. Kirsanovsky u. In with. Vyachka Inokovskaya Vol. out of 1700 voters, 150 men and 15 women attended the reporting meeting on the report of the VIC and the village council. By Inzhavinskaya Vol. out of 13,500 voters, 2,120 were present at the pre‐election meeting, of which 300 were women. On Lukinskaya Vol. in with. The meeting did not take place in Mosolovka due to the absence of voters.
Volga region. 16. Penza province. In with. Podgorny Vysokinskaya Vol. Chembarskiy district, despite repeated convocations, 8‐10% of voters attended the pre‐election meeting. In with. Dolgorukovo Golitsyn parish N.‐Lomovsky 80 people out of 550 householders attended the pre‐election meeting. Along the Semileyskaya
Vol. Saransky u. the election campaign is held with the participation of 5‐10% of voters.
b) Re‐election
Centre. 17. Tver province. In Novotorzhsky u. on Ramenskaya Vol. 4045% of the population took part in the re‐elections, according to Yakonovskaya parish. ‐ 55%, on Vysokovskaya vol. ‐ 85%.
18. In Tverskoy, along the Emelyanovskaya parish. up to 70% of voters were present at pre‐election meetings, in some districts of Pervitinskaya vol. the number of those present in the re‐elections reached 80%, of which up to 30% were women.
19. Vyatka lips. According to Yaranskiy. from 40 to 65% of voters take part in re‐elections.
20. Yaroslavl province. In Yaroslavl u. along Davydkovskaya vol. up to 50% of voters take part in re‐elections, and in some polling stations ‐ up to 80%, in D.‐Gorodishchenskaya vol. ‐ up to 60%, in Norskoyvol. ‐ 63%, in Vyatskaya vol. ‐ from 40 to 80%, along Ilyinsky vol. — up to 78%, on Tveritskaya vol. ‐ 40‐50%.
21. In Danilovsky, along Zakobyakinskaya vol. from 50 to 60% of voters took part in the re‐elections, in Kozskaya parish. ‐ from 35 to 83%. Mainly middle and poor people enter the village councils.
22. In Rostov u. until November 25, 170 electoral meetings were held. Attendance of assemblies from 38 to 79% of voters with the participation of 15% of women. The majority of the Council members are middle and poor.
23. In Rybinsk u. the average number of those participating in reelections reaches 50%. Along Bukharinskaya Vol. the elections were cashed, as less than 35% of voters participated in the re‐elections. Only 19% of voters attended the plenary sessions of the village councils in the volost. By Nekrasovskaya Vol. an average of 40% of voters participated in the re‐election.
24. Vladimirskaya lips. The percentage of voters who participated in the re‐election is significantly higher compared to previous reelections. Along Bulatnikovskaya Vol. Muromsky u. from 31.5 to 46.5% of voters participate in the re‐election. In two villages, re‐elections did not take place due to the absence of voters.
25. According to Pereslavsky u. in some villages, the number of those participating in the re‐election reached 70% (the villages of Konyaukov and Kupon).
26. According to Vladimirsky u. in Suzdal parish. 46% of voters participated in the re‐election, in Bykovskaya Vol. ‐ 35‐40%, in Ulybyshevskaya parish. ‐ from 40 to 80%. In Vtorovskaya Vol. on 5 reelected village councils in the elections participated from 45 to 60% of voters, in Boldinskaya vol. ‐ from 50 to 75%, in Bogolyubovskaya parish. ‐ 50‐60%.
27. Oryol province. In Yeletsky u. along Dolgorukovskaya vol. reelection meetings are held with a small number of voters. In with. In the Bratovischina of the same volost, the meeting was convened 5‐6 times, since 5‐10 people appeared each time. The poor are especially passive. In Dmitrovskoye, in some villages 60‐65% of the population participates in re‐elections, in Orlovsky district. in the village. Dzherzhinovka Pesochinskaya Vol. after repeated notifications, 150 out of 350 voters were present at the meeting; Secret of the same volost out of 214 voters ‐ 50 people, in the village. A soldier of 121 voters ‐ 48 people, in the Astakhovsky village council, Soskovsky parish. out of 120 voters ‐ 63 people, in the Golorostovsky district of Lavrovskaya vol. ‐ 70%, in other districts of the same volost the attendance of re‐election meetings reached 60%.
28. Kostroma province. Bychikhinskaya Vol. Kostroma u. 35‐38% of voters take part in re‐elections.
29. Kursk province. According to Graivoronsky u. re‐elections were held in 50 village councils. The number of those participating in the reelection varies from 20 to 70% of voters, about 5% of women participated in the re‐election. In the villages of Mikhailovskoye and Nikolaevskoye, Borisov Volosts, as well as in the Belovskaya and Penskaya Volosts, the re‐elections were disrupted.
30. Voronezh province. According to Bogucharsky u. 35% of voters, mostly wealthy and middle peasants, were present at the re‐elections of the Podgorensky Village Council, and 35% of the Maninsky Village Council, almost only middle peasants were present, there were few poor people at the re‐elections. In the Kalachevsky district ‐ 37‐38%, the vast majority of those present are middle peasants. At the re‐election of the Kalachevsky village council, 400 people out of 1,700 voters were present, of whom only 5% were peasants, the rest were employees, in the Kravtsovsky village council of the Shurinovsky district ‐ 35%, in the Krasnobrodsky village council ‐ 35%. Re‐elections of the village council appointed twice sl. Poltava Bogucharsky u. did not take place due to the absence of voters. In sl. Filinova had twice appointed a re‐election meeting, but both times it was postponed due to the absence of voters.
31. Ostrogozhsky district in sl. Krasnaya Reklya out of 700 voters came to the re‐election, 400 people. In sl. Rybnoye of Lutsenkovsky district out of 780 voters ‐ 250 people, in the village. Zaluzhny Liskinsky district of 800 voters ‐ only 200 people, in the sl. In N.‐Pokrovka, Liskinsky district, in the first precinct of 850 people, 350 people came to the reelection, many peasants, having registered, went home, in the second precinct, out of 1150 people, only 240 turned up, the re‐elections were postponed.
32. Rossoshansky district in with. Yelizavetovka of Pavlovsky district at the re‐election was attended by no more than 37% of voters, in the Andreevsky village council of Podgorensky district ‐ 25%. In the first polling station of the Olkhovatskiy village council, re‐elections were called for the absence of the population 4 times, 30% of voters participated in the re‐elections.
33. Voronezh district in with. Borovoy of the Pridachensky district and in the Tavrovsky village council of the Chizhovsky district, re‐elections did not take place for the first time. In with. In order to summon the peasants for re‐elections to B.‐Polyanka, the bell was ringing for five hours, but no one came to the meeting. The election committee, together with party members and members of the Regional Electoral Commission, was forced to split the village into polling stations and collect voters by itself; walking around the village, only 168 people out of 400 voters were gathered.
34. Nizhnedevitsky u. In with. Out of 590 voters, only 190 people came to the re‐election meeting in Shatalovka; Nikolskoye ‐ 40% of voters, in the villages of Klyuchi, Skupaya‐Potudan ‐ 30‐40% of the population, the poor were absent from the meetings.
Volga region. 35. Ulyanovsk province. On Apraksinskaya Vol. Ardatovsky u. 50% of voters take part in the re‐election, of which up to 25% are women.
Re‐elections are also going well in Syzran district, where up to 25% of women take part in re‐elections.
36. Saratov province. Saratov district in with. Pristanny Saratov Vol. and in with. Chardym Elshan parish 30% of the population took part in the re‐election. In with. Elshanka no one came to the re‐election.
37. Kuznetskiy In Neverkinskaya Vol. attendance at re‐election meetings is lower than last year. In the villages of Poselov and Nikolskoye, Nikolskaya parish.
peasants hardly attend meetings at all, in the village. Komarovka Elshansky parish out of 1,600 voters, 400 attended the meeting.
38. Atkarsky district in with. Kologrivovka, 35% of voters participated in the re‐elections, 25% in Koryakinsky society, 34% in NovoMotilovka, Marinovka — 50%, in the village. Bakhmetyevka Lysogorskaya Vol. ‐ 80%, of which 15% are women. In with. Fedorovka only one youth participated in the re‐election. The peasants almost do not know the new composition of the village council and take little interest in it, declaring: ʺThe council is going to the one who wants to make his way, when there is order in the council, then we will participate in meetings.ʺ In with. In Chemezovka, re‐elections were appointed 4 times, and the peasants refused to go to meetings, stating that they had nothing to do there and who would be elected ‐ they did not care. In with. Berezovka B.‐Ekaterininskaya Vol. out of 1,700 voters, 270 people participated in the re‐election, most of them middle peasants. In with. Vyrypaevka Kologrivovskaya Vol. re‐elections were called twice.
39. Kamyshinsky u. In with. Krasnoe out of 97 voters came to reelection 37 people, in the village. Rotten Protok from 700 voters ‐ 120 people, in the village. Talovka Salamati parish out of 400 voters ‐ 168 people, in the village. Salamatino out of 700 voters ‐ 330 people, in the village. Smorodino Guselsky parish. out of 668 voters ‐ 303 people, in the village. Ershovka in the re‐election was attended by 47% of the population, in the village. Rotten ‐ 35%, in the village. Guselki, the first re‐election meeting did not take place due to the absence of the legal number of voters. In with. Krasny Yar, due to the small number of participating voters, the voluntary election committee did not approve the re‐election of village councils in 9 groups, for most of the other 7 groups 25‐30% of voters took part in the re‐elections, only in 2‐3 groups the number of participants reached 45‐50%. For some groups, in order to collect the legal number of voters, they were forcibly caught in the streets and brought to meetings. For other groups, the commissioners, in order not to postpone the re‐elections, ascribed the number of voters to the legal norm and carried out re‐elections. There were few well‐todo people at the re‐elections.
40. Volsky u. In with. Vyazovka, the population of the re‐election meeting was notified twice, and the first time no one came. The second time in the first district (the village was divided into 3 districts) only 50 people came, in the second district no one came, and only the next day 30 people were gathered. Following the watchman who went to notify the peasants said: ʺTell the authorities not to drive us in vain, we will not go anyway, because they even know who to put in chairmen without us, they consider us fools and never listen.ʺ In with. N.Zakharkino, Petrovsky district, the re‐election of the village council was postponed due to the absence of the legal number of voters. Across the Synod vol. on average, 38% of voters participated in the re‐election; in some village councils, meetings were called several times. In with.
41. In the village. Tamala Repyevskaya Vol. Balashovsky the re‐election meeting was attended by no more than 40 voters, in the village. Storytelling Trostyanskaya Vol. ‐ 32% of voters. 2. The activity of the wealthy and the kulaks
a) Election campaign
Centre. 42. Kursk province. Fist s. Nikolsky Ponyrovsky parish. Kurskiy Nedrigalov, in connection with the re‐elections, declares among the peasants: “We, well‐to‐do, real good Soviet workers, we have created a good economy for ourselves and will also benefit the Soviet power, we must enjoy the respect of the Soviet power, elect and be elected to the Soviets, we must not be constrained by any ‐ there were no restrictions. ʺ Kulak, chairman of the church council Seliverstov, says: ʺThe Soviet government, building its policy in the countryside, relying on the middle peasants and the poor, may fail and is already failing, so they made concessions ‐ this is already our victory, now our goal is to achieve political rights.ʺ In with. Tarakanovo Zhigaevskaya parish the former sergeant Smirnov went to the houses of the kulaks, agitating not to allow the poor to take part in the elections.
43. Kaluga province. In the village Kobelevo Ruposovskaya par. Yukhnovsky u. at the volost non‐party conference on the report on the re‐election of the village councils, a former member of the CPSU, now a miller, Kolganov, spoke, saying: “Previously, the Communist Party and the Komsomol themselves appointed leaders to Soviet and public organizations, but they failed with this policy, the Communists learned that the peasantry had no peasants cannot work. Why not give power to workers and activists, whom the local authorities call kulaks. After all, landowners are better than the poor, why the landowner cannot sit in the peopleʹs court, if he is honest, why cannot he work in the executive committee.
44. At a non‐partisan conference in Chertensky vol. Mosalsky u. the speaker was the former deputy. PEC chairman (former member of the All‐Union Communist Party) Poletaev said: ʺThey talk to us a lot about democracy, especially during the re‐elections, but we do not see it, on the contrary, we observe one thing that when the elections begin, they give us a hard list.ʺ
45. In Lyudkovskaya Vol. Mosalsky u. former members of the AllUnion Communist Party of the village of Alferova Nikolaev, Vavilov, Tsvetkov and Kurbatov, in connection with the re‐elections of the village councils, aim to discredit the representatives of the local authorities, using all possible means.
Ukraine. 46. Krivoy Rog district. In the Novo‐Starodubsky district, in connection with the upcoming re‐elections of the village councils, the former active Petliurists Vorontsov, Kuznetsov, Gladkin, Shishkevich and others, who all the time tried to disrupt Soviet work in the countryside, are campaigning so that the village council and the RIK do not elect communists, but exclusively “their own people ʺ. ʺThis is not 1921, and the communists should not command, and the peasants should choose non‐party people from among their midst.ʺ
47. Priluki district. In the Berezovo‐Ruda region, among the kulaks, there is a tendency to liquidate village councils everywhere, declaring: ʺWhy would these cells, committees and village councils choose one chairman, as the headman used to be, and he would do all the work.ʺ
North Caucasus. 48. Don district. In stts. In the StaroShcherbinovskaya district of the Yeisk region, the kulaks, conducting their election campaign, threw out the slogan: ʺSoviets without communistsʺ, ʺUnion of Cossacks, not grain growers.ʺ
Volga region. 49. Samara province. In with. Labazakh of Buzuluk u. kulaks and well‐to‐do peasants, trying to get into the village councils, agitate: ʺNow everyone has the right to be elected, there are no kulaks now, but there are citizens‐business executives.ʺ
DVO. 50. Primorskaya lips. On Posyetsky vol. the wealthy say: ʺThe Soviet government is betting on the wealthy and the kulaks, and if this is so, they should be in the village council.ʺ
b) Nomination
Centre. 51. Voronezh province. 12 December. In sl. Liski of Ostrogozhsky u. the wealthy declare that ʺthey decided to elect the poor and the Red Army men, who in most cases are illiterate or completely illiterate and unable to work, to the village council in order to discredit them in the eyes of the authorities, which, seeing their powerlessness, will ask the wealthy to help them work.ʺ
North Caucasus. 52. Don district. December 10. In the Khomutovsky village council of the Bataysky district, former emigrants are nominated to the village council, one of them is a former sergeant‐major and the son of a former chieftain. The same in the village. Kuznetsovsky and with. Komarovsky.
53. Stavropol District. Blagodarny district. In with. Elizavetinskoe wellto‐do in the village council is nominated by the former SocialistRevolutionary.
Cases of former chieftains, former white officers, émigrés, etc. being sent to the village council. marked also in the Maikop district ‐ stts. Pshekhskaya and Ryazan; in the Donetsk district ‐ in the Efremovo‐Stepanovskiy and Bazkovskiy village councils and in the Black Sea district ‐ with. Vityazevka.
Volga region. 54. Stalingrad province. December 1. Wealthy Hut Cossacks. Novoselovsky stts. Golubinskaya 2nd Don district candidates for the village council are the son of the former chieftain, assistant. village chieftain, etc.
55. Wealthy Hut Cossacks. Verkhne‐Kolotsky st. Golubinskaya 2nd Don District, with the upcoming re‐elections, are going to hold persons campaigning against tax payments to the village council. A similar phenomenon is observed in a number of other farms.
Nominations were also noted in the farmsteads of Cheponatsky and
Berestyansky stts. Potemkinskaya, hut. Basikine stts. StepanoRazinskaya and in the farmsteads of Sokolovsky and Kudinovsky stts. Tishanskaya ‐ across the Stalingrad province. and c. Berry Samara ‐ in the Samara lips.
DVO. 56. Buryat‐Mongolian Republic. December 15th. In the Aninsky somon 300 of the Khorinsky aimag, the former bun chief Zhambalov, driving around the uluses, campaigned for the planned list of candidates for the village council. Moreover, he asked people who agreed with this list to sign.
57. In the village. Bada Tarbagatai parish V.‐Udinsky the well‐to‐do are nominating a former white officer and a former gendarme to the village council. With fists in the village. Korsakov of the Kudar‐Buryat khoshun, their candidates were nominated to the village council.
In addition to those noted above, cases of nominating candidates for the village council from the well‐to‐do and the kulaks were also registered: in Kursk province. ‐ in the village. Novo‐Ozerki Shchigrovsky u. and c. Uspenskoe Lgovskiy u.; across the Pskov province. ‐ Zalutskaya parish. Porkhovsky U.; across the Bryansk province. ‐ Kalachevsky,
Podbelsky, Tubolsky village councils Pochepsky u. and c. Alshanka Bezhetskiy; in Ukraine ‐ with. Berezhinka of the Kamenets district, in the Sergievsky and Zavodskoy village councils of the Krivoy Rog district willow. Sarazhinka AMSSR; in the Orenburg province ‐ the villages of N.‐Orsky and Saverovsky, Orsky u.; along the Amur lips. ‐ in the villages of Klyuchi and Ilyinovka of the Blagoveshchensky u., Der. Kozlovka Svobodnensky u. and c. Ekaterino‐Nikolskoe
Zavitinsky district; across the Trans‐Baikal lips. ‐ the villages of Lomy, Lokshakovo Sretensky u. In total, 40 facts were registered in the Union for the reporting period in 17 provinces and districts.
c) Organized performances
Centre. 58. Voronezh province. Rossoshansky district at the re‐elections of the Berezovsky village council, the kulaks, together with the well‐todo, organized a boycott against the candidates nominated by the poor. In an attempt to defend the latter, the fists raised a fuss. In response to the statement of the re‐election commissioner that the kulaks ignore the legitimacy of the elections, preventing them from defending the candidates, and therefore he relieves himself of responsibility for the elections, exclamations were heard from the kulaks: “You are taking off, well, the devil with you, the people want to lead whoever is needed, well and will carry it out. ʺ A group of kulaks nominated the former chairman of the village council Volkov, who is on trial, and on the official statement that he could not be elected, the kulaks shouted: ʺThe people want to elect him and this has nothing to do with various crimes.ʺ The leaders of the kulaks were: 9 households of the Revinov brothers and 4 households of the Zhukov brothers.
59. At the re‐elections of the Elizavetinsky village council of the Pavlovsky district, the well‐to‐do in an organized way defeated the candidates nominated by the poor.
Ukraine. 60. Pervomaisky District. 20th of December. In with. LyuboIvanovka of the Konstantinovsky region willow. The Moldovan of the Golovanevsky district, kulaks, preparing for the re‐election, organize their illegal meetings, attracting a large number of women to the latter, in order to bring their candidates to the village council with their help.
Volga region. 61. German commune. 21 December. In with. Mannheim, Krasno‐Kutsk district, the first meeting was disrupted by fists and was postponed. When the plenipotentiary of the kantizbirkomissia arrived to hold a secondary meeting, the village council, under pressure from the kulaks, had already been elected.
3. Groupings for re‐elections
Centre. 62. Moscow province. 5th of December. Moscow u. In the village. Novo‐Kirillovka Ulyanovsk parish. a group of peasants, headed by the Socialist‐Revolutionary Shvedov, who is agitating not to send communists to the Soviets, is preparing for the re‐election of the
Soviets.
63. In p. Belyaevo Leninskaya Vol. Moscow u. a group of Old Believers, following the example of last year, seeks to organize an independent village council and bring “their people” into it.
64. Kostroma province. December 17. In the Stepanovsky district of the Kostroma district. the kulaks and the well‐to‐do are grouped around the son of a former landowner, whose candidacy is being nominated to the Soviet. A local teacher is actively campaigning for his candidacy. The numerical composition of the group is about 10 people, the group purportedly aims to protect the poor.
65. Tambov province. December 4th. In with. Pokrovskoe‐Marfino of Tambovsky district a group of 4 well‐to‐do people selects incriminating material on the chairman of the VIC and party members, stating that none of them will get into the VIC. This group also intends to play off the party members at the congress, praising some and scolding others.
66. Voronezh province. 5th of December. Novokhopersky u. In with. Avraamovka Makaryevsky district, a group of 6 prosperous people under the leadership of K. Batnikov, during the re‐election of members of the village council and delegates, held their candidates, allowing only a part of the middle peasants. Almost one third of the gathered women and the majority of men voted for who Botnikov voted for. The nominated candidate from the RLKSM cell did not receive a single vote.
In addition to those noted above, pre‐election groups are registered: in Moscow province. ‐ 2, Tambov ‐ 1, Voronezh ‐ 2 and Orlov ‐ 3. In total, there are 13 groups in 5 provinces of the Center.
Ukraine. 67. Odessa district. 20th of December. In the German colony of Kandel in the Friedrich‐Engels region, a group of wealthy former kulaks is intensively preparing for the re‐election of the RIK, nominating their candidates. The pre‐election campaign is carried out by the leaders of the religious communities, who declare: “We need to lead our people to the top in order to survive from our midst this selfassembly (communists), as well as strangers (not Germans).
68. Zhytomyr district. 20th of December. In with. Staroselye of the Ivankovsky district, kulaks, campaigning for elections to the Council of their candidates, have allocated an asset of 20 people, who are conducting the entire election campaign, having drawn up a list of the future village council in advance. They are joined by a psalmist who organized a church choir from the youth and campaigned for the support of the kulak candidates at the rehearsals. The kulaks have representatives in all public organizations. Part of the middle peasants adjoins them.
In addition to the above, there are 6 more pre‐election groups registered in Ukraine: one grouping each in Odessa, Zhytomyr, Vinnitsa, Poltava, Krivoy Rog and Lugansk districts.
North Caucasus. 69. Don district. December 10. In sl. Semikarakorskaya, in connection with the campaigns for the reelection of the village council, the anti‐Soviet element, headed by the former Socialist‐Revolutionary S. Kopylov, conducts underground work against party influence in the Council, taking a stake on the kulaks. On November 15, in the premises of the village council, Kopylov addressed the assembled Cossacks with an appeal: “The reelection campaign is coming soon, all organizations are preparing, but we are sleeping. Let us also leave all our affairs and this day we will come to choose a person who loves us,” and so on. the chairman of the village council Boldyrev (the son of the former village chieftain) pointed out that Comrade Kalinin is betting on a peasant‐grain grower, and this must first of all be borne in mind when running his candidates. Moreover, he spoke in favor of convening a non‐partisan conference, on which it will be possible to prepare the ground for holding “their own people” in the REC. Boldyrev ended his speech with a statement: ʺIn this way we will achieve our goal, and then no one will appoint or send us someone whom we do not know, but we will choose the way we used to elect the ataman.ʺ After the conversation, at the initiative of Kopylov, all those present sang the Cossack national anthem ʺThe Orthodox Quiet Don has floundered, has become agitated.ʺ The former Red Army soldier who tried to speak was not allowed to speak. Kopylov, being the chairman of the fishing partnership, contributed to the introduction of his like‐minded people into the agricultural partnership. Both partnerships do not contact their work with EPO and have communication with private traders. Kopylovʹs group is connected with the city of Rostov through the chairman of the Semikarakorsk village council, Cherepkov, who is here at the courses. Coming to Rostov, they hold conspiratorial meetings. By the time of the re‐election, this group also extends its influence on the village. Kuznetsovskoe and hut. Balabinsky.
70. Terek District. December 18. In stts. The Bekeshevskaya grouping of the wealthy under the leadership of the nominee Soprunov, conducting an election campaign under the slogan ʺto hold Cossacks and non‐party members to the Council,ʺ outlined its list of candidates in the amount of 23 people.
71. In p. Novopavlovskaya Georgievsky District, in connection with the re‐elections of the village councils, a group of the wealthy was organized under the leadership of the priest and former officers, which is campaigning against the communists, planning to bring former officers Belovodov, Zmievsky and others to the Council.
72. Kuban District. December 18. In stts. Zhurovskoy Korenovsky district, a non‐party representative of the Soviet, a wealthy Cossack, organized a group of wealthy and kulaks. The activists of this grouping in the amount of 10 people, under the guise of performing religious rites, arrange meetings, aiming to prevent candidates from members of the RCP (b) and other cities from entering the Council.
In the North Caucasus, in addition to those noted above, pre‐election groups were identified: in the Donskoy district ‐ 2, Kubansky ‐ 1, Salsky ‐ 1, Taganrog ‐ 1 and Tersky ‐ 4. A total of 13 groups.
Volga region. 73. Saratov province. December 18. In with. Guselki Kamyshinsky u. at the Congress, a group of non‐party people arose, which sought to defeat the candidacy of a member of the RCP (b) Zheurin (sent by the Ukom of the RCP) and bring in a candidate from local residents. During the voting, an aggravation was noted between the wealthy and middle peasants, on the one hand, and the poor, on the other.
74. Ulyanovsk province. 12 December. In with. Malyutino Syzran parish kulaks for the upcoming re‐election are organized under the leadership of doctor Tronvilitsky, forester Sennekov, assistant. forester
Sokolov and forestry clerk Lebedev.
Pre‐election groups, in addition to those noted above, were registered in Stalingrad province ‐ 4, Saratov province ‐ 3, Nemkommuna ‐ 1. In total, there are 10 groups in the Volga region.
Pre‐election groupings of the kulaks and the well‐to‐do were also noted in the North‐West ‐ 1 (Vologda Gubernia), Far East Military District ‐ 2
(Buryat‐Mongolian Republic and Amur Gubernia).
4. The middle peasants and the poor in the re‐election
Centre. 75. Oryol province. December 16. In with. Rovnets Zhernovsky parish Livensky u. before the elections, groups of middle peasants are organized, nominating their candidates to the village council. Expressing their unwillingness to choose the poor, the middle peasants declare: ʺWe are tired of tramps.ʺ
76. Kostroma province. 9th December. In Batushinskaya Vol. Kostroma u. the middle peasants, together with the poor, nominate general candidates for the Soviets.
77.17 December. During the re‐election of the Miskovsky village council, the Miskovsky vol. Kostroma u. voters were divided into two groups: on the one hand ‐ middle peasants, and with. the other is the poor. Merchants and the wealthy are passive about re‐election.
78. In the village. Solonikovo Koryakovskaya Vol. Kostroma u. only the middle peasants were present at the election of delegates to the meeting for the re‐election of the VIC, while the poor were absent. In their speeches, the middle peasants pointed out that “it is necessary to choose more prosperous peasants, and if we choose the poor, then they can incubate (that is, squander), and you will not get anything from them, but to put them in jail is still a loss to the state, it’s better to send the well‐to‐do, from whom, if something happens, you can get wasted.
79. Kursk province. December 14. In with. Stanovoy Shchigrovsky u. an organized group of the poor is campaigning against the election to the village council of the current chairman, who supports the wealthy, and is nominating a former volunteer of the Red Army.
80. In the village. Klishino Lgov parish and uyezd kulaks ... Yeshin and Selikhov attracted almost all middle peasants to their side, as a result of which representatives of the kulaks entered the village council. The poor are not organized and in most cases, being dependent on the kulaks, they voted for the latterʹs candidates.
81. In p. Related to Berezovskaya Vol. Lgovsky u. at a pre‐election meeting after the kulak and former guard Mikhalev, one of the poor said in his speech: ʺYour business is to be silent; it is not your power that is being built and you are not building it, but we, the poor, are building itʺ; the rest of the poor who supported him silenced the kulak.
82. Voronezh province. 12 December. Ostrogozhsky u. In two areas of the Mukho‐Uderevsky village council of the Alekseevsky district, the middle peasants participated in the re‐elections together with the wealthy. Poor peasantsʹ candidates unanimously failed. Throughout the Kalachevsky district, during the re‐elections, the fear of the poor to speak and vote against the kulaks was noted. In with. In Podgorny, Maninsky District, during the re‐elections, the poor people were confused and intimidated.
83. Rossoshansky district at the re‐elections of the Elizavetinsky village council of the Pavlovsky district, part of the middle peasants, seeing that the advantage was on the side of the wealthy, began to go over to their side, as a result, the village council was elected by 80% of the wealthy.
84. Middle peasants sl. Lutsenkovo of the Ostrogozhsky district and the uyezd were dissatisfied with the fact that they were not invited to the pre‐election meeting of the poor, stating that the poor had appointed their village council in advance, the middle peasants did not want to go to the re‐election itself. In sl. Dmitrovka and hut. Vysokoye Davydovsky district during the re‐election campaign of unity between the poor and middle peasants was not observed at all, and usually the whole matter was decided by several active persons. Throughout the district, the middle peasants were not invited at all to the meetings of the poor, which is why the latter could hear exclamations that the way the poor decide ‐ in their own way, it will not be, “at the gathering we will turn our way”.
85. At the pre‐election meeting of the poor, lyrics. Rybnoye, Lutsenkovsky district, Ostrogozhsky district the latter expressed themselves unanimously to defend the candidates for the village council they had identified. During re‐elections, the poor voted not only against the candidates they themselves nominated, but also challenged them.
86 December 19. In with. N.‐Gnilusha V.‐Mamon district of Bogucharsky u. Compared to the previous composition of the poor, 50% less passed to the new village council, while the number of middle peasants, on the contrary, was 50% more. In sl. Podgornoye, Maninsky District, out of 50 members of the village council, 40 are middle peasants, 7 are wealthy and only 3 are poor peasants.
87. In the Vorobyevsky district of Novokhopersky u. 42 poor peasants, 76 middle peasants and 43 people of kulaks and wealthy
88. In sl. Nagolnaya Rovensky district of Rossoshansky district of the 22 members of the village council, 15 are middle peasants. A similar phenomenon was noted throughout the county.
Ukraine. 88. Krivoy Rog district. 20th of December. In Nikopol district, regarding the re‐election of village councils, the poor declare: ʺNow the poor cannot get into the newly elected village councils, because the bond between the middle peasants and the kulaks has grown so strong that they will freely beat the poor in the elections.ʺ The poor are now very isolated, and they have the opinion that they have become ʺstrangersʺ to the Soviet regime.
89. Zinovievsky district. 20th of December. In Bobrinetsky district, middle peasants are most interested in re‐elections. Non‐self‐owners are passive and disorganized.
90. Kherson district. 20th of December. In the British village council of the Kakhovsky district, all segments of the population are preparing for the re‐election of the Soviets. The most powerful group are the middle peasants, and until now, the middle peasants have worked almost exclusively in the village council and public organizations of the village, since the non‐chewers are poorly organized and the lumps do not enjoy authority.
North Caucasus. 91. Terek District. December 18. In with. N.Grigorievsky, in connection with the re‐elections, the population was divided into two groups: on the one hand, the poor and part of the middle peasants, on the other hand, the wealthy and part of the middle peasants adjacent to them. The first group has allocated an asset of 10 people, who conduct hundreds of interviews with the population, scheduling the Council of Communists and the poor.
92. In p. Ninaʹs farm laborers and the poor, as opposed to the wealthy, nominate candidates for themselves.
93. Stavropol District. December 14. In with. Malaya Dzhalga of the Vinodelensky region poor peasants, farm laborers and middle peasants jointly plan to appoint their candidates to the village council.
94. Black Sea District. December 15th. In stts. In the Crimean Crimean District, the population in the election campaign is more active than last year. The most active are the well‐to‐do and middle peasants, the poor are in most cases passive, declaring: ʺWe do not care who will be in the Council, as long as they meet us halfway.ʺ
Volga region. 95. Astrakhan province. 9th December. The district electoral commission of the Baskunchak region tried to hold several pre‐election meetings of the poor, but it failed, since the poor in most cases are under the influence of the kulaks. The kulaks had previously revived the peasantry against pre‐election meetings, which, despite all attempts by the party organization, failed.
96. Ulyanovsk province. December 19th. In with. Vyrypaevka Ulyanovsk u. the poor, grouping against the kulaks, declare:
ʺWait, weʹll elect you to the Council of Communists, then weʹll shake you.ʺ
97. In p. Rtishchevo‐Kamenka M Ainu vol. Ulyanovsky u. the poor in the amount of 50‐70 people, grouping together, decided to send only the poor to the village council.
98. Saratov province. December 4th. In with. Khmelevke Saratov Vol. the re‐elections were led by a group of middle peasants influenced by the wealthy. The poor, farm laborers and members of the Komsomol were rejected, and they were not allowed to vote.
99. In the majority of villages, Synod vol. Volsky u. it was not possible to convene the poor peasants to the pre‐election meetings. The middle peasants showed themselves most actively, while the wealthy took a wait and see attitude.
100. German commune. 21 December. In with. Langenfeld, KrasnoKutsk district, the most active are the kulaks and the wealthy, who were supported by the middle peasants, while the poor behaved passively and did not participate in the voting.
101. Stalingrad province. December 1. In the villages Soldatskoe, Stepnoe Nikolaevsky u. the poor openly threaten the chairman of the village council Shiryaev (former volost chief) and all wealthy members of the village council, declaring that ʺyour song is sung, you are only fooling us by seizing the best lands and disrupting land management.ʺ
102. Khopersky District. In the hut. Zavyazinsky stc. Preobrazhenskaya in the May re‐election of village councils were all wealthy. At present, although the well‐to‐do and part of the middle peasants are preparing to send their own to the Council, the poor declare, when nominating their candidates: ʺBy all means, we will send ours, since the old composition of the Council did nothing for our benefit.ʺ
103. Poor stts. Kremenskaya declares: ʺWe have always worked in the Council, in the KKOV and various commissions, while the well‐to‐do laugh at us, and so, we will wait for re‐elections, and all of them in defiance of the Council ‐ let them laugh then.ʺ
Siberia. 104. Tomsk province. December 15th. In the village Khokhlovka of the Ishim village council in connection with the re‐elections, an organized meeting of the poor and middle peasants (48 people participated) was held on the issue of uniting the middle peasants with the poor and improving the economy of the poor peasants. The meeting sharply revealed the dissatisfaction of the poor with the dominance of the wealthy at meetings and in the village council. Poor Berdin, in a conversation with those present, expressed the idea that ʺin order to fight the rich in the village, it is necessary to organize a gang of 10 people and kill all the rich in a secret order.ʺ
Correct: Help. Secretary of the Inform Department of the OGPU
Kucherov
APPENDIX No. 3
POLITICAL STATE OF THE VILLAGE
1. Antagonism to the city
Centre. 1. Moscow province. December 23rd. In Pushkin parish. Moscow u. the peasants, pointing to the better material situation of the workers, declare: ʺThe workers have weapons, but the peasants have nothing but pitchforks, and therefore cannot achieve change.ʺ
2. Kostroma province. December 16. In with. At the general meeting of the Kosike of the Yenotaevsky District, the Smirnov brothers who spoke at the general meeting said: “The authorities keep saying that industry is developing, and urban goods are not only not getting cheaper, but they are no longer at all, it is imperative to convene a congress of workers and peasants, where the price of the goods must how workers work 8 hours. and therefore, the goods are expensive. ʺ
3. Voronezh province. 5th of December. At the pre‐election meeting in sl. The peasants asked the monastic region of the Bogucharsk district: ʺWhy do they say ‐ the power of the workers and peasants, when in reality the power of the workers alone, who cheat the peasantry, taking cheap bread, and ripping off three skins for chintzʺ.
4. Ostrogozhsky district the youth of the settlements Kopanische, Korotoyak and Petropavlovka of the Korotoyaksky district declares in conversations: “The revolution freed only workers and communists, which is why they live better. If the workers meet the peasants halfway, the peasants will live in harmony with them, because the worker, although he works less, is still a toiler, and if this does not happen, the peasant will establish his own order. ʺ
5. Oryol province. December 16. At a general meeting of the workers of the Kazitsky starch and treacle plant (town of Yelets), where many peasants of the surrounding villages were present, a resolution was passed on the need to regulate the prices of goods, to wage a firm struggle against high prices and, most importantly, thoughtfully about the needs of workers and peasants. At this meeting it is interesting to note the speech of the peasant Bogatkov, who declared: ʺIt is necessary to organize the peasants against the workers, because the workers live on the shoulders of the peasants.ʺ
6. Tambov province. 31st of December. In the village. Bokino P.Kustovsky parish. Tambov u. at a general meeting, poor Semiletov, pointing out the difference in the material situation of peasants and workers and complaining about the high cost of industrial goods, said: “The worker needs to add an extra hour of work in order to reduce the cost of city products; what an alliance of workers and peasants is this, when the worker does not value the labor of the peasant, and it must be said that the power is only of the workers, but not of the peasants.
7. Lipetsk u. In with. Wolf Shovskaya Vol. Peasant Kuznetsov said in a group of peasants: “The trade union of workers must be dispersed, the peasants have no place in the factory and the factory, because the workers are afraid to give up the benefits that they receive. The workers beat back all the gains of the peasants, and because workers are not alone won the revolution, the peasants also fought and eventually got the fig ‐ workers have all taken ʺ 301.
8. In p. Krivets Borisov parish Kozlovsky u. Peasant Isakovskikh in conversation with fellow villagers said: ʺConcern for the peasants on the part of the Soviet government is not yet visible, and the peasantry, squeezed in the clutches of the workers, will lose patience and will fight with the workers.ʺ
Northwest. 9. Leningrad province. At a general meeting in the village. Golovakino Kingiseppsky u. the middle peasant Ivanov said: “The power of the peasants is in the hands and has given nothing for the peasants. It is necessary for the peasants to organize and resist the Soviet power. ʺ
North Caucasus. 10. Don district. 20th of December. In sl. Semikarakorskaya at the rally on the day of the 8th anniversary of the October Revolution was made by Boldyrev (son of the village chieftain, head of the department] of the Union of Hunters, he is also the deputy chairman of the village council), who said: “The October Revolution is celebrated by an organization of workers, but not peasants, at all the posters read ʺWorkers of all countries, uniteʺ, but nothing is said about the peasantry, because Soviet power is only for the workers. It is necessary to organize and celebrate the 9th anniversary with the inscriptions on the posters ʺPeasants of all countries, uniteʺ ‐ to celebrate like the Cossacks. ʺ
In addition to the above, similar facts for the reporting period were also noted in the Center ‐ 46 (Moscow, Kostroma, Ryazan, Voronezh, Oryol, Tula, Kursk and Tambov provinces), Ukraine ‐ 3 (Cherkassk, Starobelsk and Lugansk districts), North Caucasus ‐ 4 (Donskoy, Armavir, Salsky and Chernomorsky districts), Volga region ‐ 2 (Penza province and Bashrespublika), Urals ‐ 2, Siberia ‐ 9 (Tomsk and Barnaul districts) and
Far Eastern military district ‐ 4 (Amur province). In total, there are 82 facts in 24 provinces and districts of the Union.
2. Peasant unions
Centre. 11. Moscow province. Kolomensky u. At the Krasny Stroitel cement plant, during the campaign of the 20th anniversary of the 1905 revolution, individual workers at meetings in the shops said in their speeches: “The 1905 revolution was defeated only because there was no peasant union, and the party did not go in alliance with peasants. In 1917, the peasants went along with the workers because they thought that a peasant union would be organized. The workers enjoy various benefits, and in order for the peasants to receive these benefits, it is necessary to create a peasant trade union. ʺ At a solemn meeting in the club of the plant, together with the peasants, the chairman of the Saburovsky village council, Myachkovskaya volost, put forward the issue of organizing a peasant trade union.
12. In the Kryukovsky district of Voskresensky u. at a meeting for the re‐election of the KKOV, a former member of the All‐Union Communist Party, Berlov, made a proposal to organize a cross‐union. As a result of his speech, a resolution was adopted: “We demand equalization of the social rights of the working people of the USSR. The workers are unionized, but we peasants are not. We demand the organization of peasant unions. ʺ
13. Vladimirskaya lips. January 1st. In Borisov parish. Vladimirsky u. there is a tendency towards the organization of a cross union,
ʺthrough which the peasants could speak with the government.ʺ
14. Vyatka lips. 5th of December. At the plenum of the Krasovsky village council of the Kotelnichesky district in the debate, the middle peasant Kovruzhnik (from the village of Krutiki) said: “The peasantry cannot live without organization, the KKOV line is narrow and the two rubles from the farm collected into the KKOV fund will be enough only to pay salaries to employees of provincial and district bodies, and to help the poor nothing remains. The peasants need to organize a ʺpeasant economic‐trade unionʺ. The structure of this union should be the same as that of the workersʹ trade unions: those who do not work are fired, and the idlers are evicted to new places, since they have seized land and do not cultivate, hindering the development of other peasant farms. ʺ
15. Voronezh province. 31st of December. In sl. Novaya Sotnya of the Ostrogozhsky District and Uyezd, a well‐to‐do peasant Glukhovskoy at a meeting of EPO members raised the issue of organizing a crossunion, declaring: “We do not need workers, let them have a separate organization. But it cannot continue this way; some handful of workers are leading the peasants, exploiting them, taking everything for the items of factory production, and if in 1925 there is no peasant organization, then it will be in 1926”. The peasant Melnikov, who spoke here, said that although the organization was necessary, the Soviet government would not allow this to happen, since ʺthen it would be worse for it.ʺ
16. In p. At the re‐election meeting, the peasant Isaenko submitted a note to the popovka of the Rossoshansk district and the district with a proposal to organize a peasant union and ʺproportional representation of peasants and workers in the district VICs and in the government in general.ʺ Isayenko, in defense of his proposals, with the unanimous approval of all those present, spoke out several times, pointing out that peasant unions should be organized ʺon an all‐Russian scale so that not the workers dictate the prices of bread, but the peasants.ʺ
17. Kursk province. 4 December. At a non‐party peasant conference in Verkhopenskaya parish. Belgorodsky u. on the report on the international situation, the chairman of the Oryol village council Bondarev spoke, declaring: “We, the peasants, are completely abandoned by our government, under the tsar we were bending our backs and now we were angry, under the tsar they mocked us and now
the same thing, there is no difference, on the contrary, we, the peasants, we do not have what we had under the tsarist government. We see that the peasants are bypassed by our government, the government pays more attention to the workers, the peasants are completely abandoned, there is no freedom, there is no way to organize their own peasant union and its own non‐party peasant press. The Komsomol members, workers and everyone, with the exception of the peasants, have their own union, but we do not have, if we had a union, then we would not give grain to the city at the price at which they take it. If there was a union we would force industrial and manufactured goods to be sold at pre‐war prices. I was devoted to the Soviet power, but now I have completely stopped loving it, for the Bolsheviks do not give what they promised, who promised a lot ‐ from that much is required, and we, the peasants, must demand what we have promised. The Bolsheviks are invaders because they are in the minority. They are mistaken in thinking that they are in the majority. Look at the demobilized Red Army men, they also became disillusioned with Soviet power; the war is not over, and in the future we will need to know who to stand for. The Bolsheviks finally lost the trust of the peasants. ʺ When voting on the resolution on the report, the latter passed with the addition introduced by Bondarev and his supporters. The following resolution was adopted: “We, the non‐party peasants, have passed this resolution. Three years of peaceful construction of the USSR have passed, we see that we are bypassed by the government, and we see that the government is acting more in the interests of the worker than the peasant, and therefore we ask the Soviet government to allow us to organize a peasant union of all of Russia in order to regulate trade, adhering to the pre‐war time. We also ask for permission to organize a ʺnon‐party peasant pressʺ under the leadership of non‐party workers, such as an editor and other employees. Long live Soviet power. ʺ
In the Center, protests for the cross unions, in addition to those noted above, took place: in Moscow province. ‐ 26 cases, Voronezh ‐ 3, Vladimir ‐ 2, Kursk ‐ 1, Tverskaya ‐ 3, Vyatskaya ‐ 2, Ryazan ‐ 1.
Northwest. 18. Novgorod province. January 2. At a party meeting of Borovichskyʹs opechensky cell on the question of the work of party members in the countryside, a non‐party peasant who spoke out said: ʺI see nothing comes of it, but let us organize our own party of nonparty people and we will show how to work.ʺ
19. North‐Dvinskaya province. January 2. At a meeting of members of the Epiphany EPO, a wealthy peasant Dvorkorodsky from the village. Pozdny, pointing to the high rates of office workers and workers, spoke in favor of organizing a cross union. He was supported by all those present, as a result of which it was decided to reduce the salary and daily subsistence allowance for EPO employees on business trips.
20. Pskov province. January 2. In the Volgeyamsky village council, Krasnoprud vol. at the meeting, three peasants and teacher Lebedev, speaking in the debate, called for ʺorganizing like the trade unions into a peasant union,ʺ declaring: ʺOnly then will we be strong and whomever we think we will lead, but now we have nothing to choose. We can only choose to the volost, and in the VIC they will show us a fig ‐ there they have their own deputies”. One of the speakers said: “I was at the uyezd congress of the cross‐committees and saw that as soon as there was a break, the communists went to a separate room for a secret meeting — here you have Soviet power and the peopleʹs will. We must unite and only then will we be strong, whatever we want, we will do it. ʺ
Demonstrations for the cross‐unions, in addition to those noted above, were also registered in the Novgorod province. ‐ 1 case and Vologda ‐
1.
Ural. 21. Orenburg province. November 30th. In the village Mamalaevsky, Orenburg u. In a conversation with a group of peasants, a Cossack farmer on the outskirts of Orenburg Tyutin spoke in favor of organizing a cross union that would defend the interests of the entire peasantry, applying for tax discounts, taking care of enrolling peasant children in schools, etc. This idea of Tyutin was especially supported by the kulaks present at the conversation, the farm laborers did not mind either.
The performance for the crosses was also noted in the Urals (1 fact).
Siberia. 22. Barnaul district. 10th of November. In with. In the Kuguk
Shelabolikhinsky district, among the members of the Komsomol cell, there is an antagonistic mood towards the workers and the working part of the Komsomol. Komsomolets
Belyaev (a poor man) in a group of Komsomol members said: “The worker won power, but the peasant did not, this is evident from the fact that the bellies and workers go to schools, but the peasant is not taken to school. I will withdraw from the union and organize my youth union, develop a program and charter with the principle ‐ to defend the peasant power against the Soviet power of the workers. ʺ The local hut, supporting Belyaev, said: ʺThe government prefers more working youth than the countryside.ʺ Similar inclinations are noted for other Komsomol cells in this area.
Performances for cross unions were noted in the Tomsk district ‐ 1 case.
DVO. 23. Amur province. In with. Derzhavinsk Aleksandrovskaya parish Blaguezda, a group of peasants in the number of 4 people among the population agitates: “The Soviet government by all means strive to crush the peasantry. Now the communists and the Soviet government seem to be trying to give privileges to the poor, but this is done only in order to establish discord among the peasantry, and then enslave them. But this should not be allowed, and you need to organize your own, purely peasant organization. ʺ
Demonstrations for the cross unions took place even in Primorskaya lips. ‐ 1 case and Amur ‐ 1.
In addition to the above, cases of demonstrations and agitation for the cross unions were also noted in Ukraine ‐ 3 facts (Kherson, Sumy and Nikolaev districts), the North Caucasus ‐ 6 (Stavropol, Salsky, Donskoy and Shakhtinsky districts) and in the Volga region ‐ 4 (Penza and Saratov province).
3. Kulak groups
West. 24. Belarus. December 15th. In the village. Bintyan, Zapolsky Village Council of Surazh District, Vitebsk District, there is a group of village activists called ʺDumaʺ, which was organized about 20 years ago. In the ʺDumaʺ they are discussing in advance whom to choose in the cross, in the village council, in the regional executive committee, in the cooperatives, etc., as well as all the measures of the Soviet government. At a regional party conference in Surazh, a member of the ʺDumaʺ Chernyshev, welcoming the party conference, said: ʺIf we in theʺ Duma ʺdecided to hold what we decided to hold, then we will stand firm on our own.ʺ The ideological leader of the ʺDumaʺ is the owner of the mill Kuzmin (has a higher education). The group also includes a former member of the All‐Union Communist Party of the Soviet Union sailor Alekseev and a former manager of the factory named after Vorovsky.
Ukraine. 25. Zaporizhzhya district. 20th of December. In with. Preobrazhenka, Orekhovsky District, there is a group of kulaks calling themselves the ʺparty of death.ʺ The purpose of this organization is to seize local bodies by holding their representatives there, securing large plots of land under the guise of cultural farms, etc. Members of this organization are spreading rumors that a law will soon be issued allowing land trade. The organization is said to have 60 members.
In addition to those noted above, groups of kulaks were identified in the village. Kroslyany of the Priluki region and district and in the village. N.‐Mlyn, Baturinsky district, Konotop district.
North Caucasus. 26. Terek District. December 3rd. In stts. Sovetskaya Prokhladnensky district, on the basis of land management, under the leadership of a former party member and holder of the Order of the Red
Banner Popov, a group was organized to deny land to nonresidents. Members of the group are campaigning against the election of nonresident to the Soviets.
Volga region. 27. Ulyanovsk province. November 21. In with. Zagarino Golovinskaya Vol. Syzransky u. a group of kulaks was organized, headed by the former landowner Ryabaev, which includes a local teacher, priest and psalm reader. This group arranges their meetings with the teacher by speaking in an organized manner at general meetings.
28.28 December. In with. Trinity Sungure Canadian Vol. Syzransky u. there is a group of prosperous peasants headed by the village council. The members of the grouping arbitrarily seize the land, distributing it among themselves.
Groupings of kulaks were also noted along the Amur Bay. ‐ 2 facts and
Akmola ‐ 1.
4. ʺRedʺ banditry
Centre. 29. Oryol province. November 25. In Ryabinskaya Vol. Orlovsky u. the poor and middle peasants, hostile to the kulaks, who provided bread on enslaving terms this spring, set fire to their buildings. So, in the village. Postileva burned the barns near the kulaks of Kornev and Prokozin. At Yegorovʹs fist in the village. Selescheva burned a thresher and rye, and a note was planted on him: ʺThis is only your revenge, we will soon destroy your farm by the roots.ʺ Similar facts are noted in p. Novo‐Melovatke Bogucharsky u., Where the poor committed arson at three peasants, who involved the poor in enslaving deals during the famine.
Ukraine. 30. Priluki district. In with. In Poddubnovka, Turovsky district, an anonymous letter was found with a threat to his fists, as follows: “Litovchenko Petr, Chizhik Nasta, Chizhik Marfa, Lisogo Pavel, Chizhik Anton, Markus Peter ‐ the red cockerel will be everything to you, we will arrange a revolutionary tribunal; Usim, hto find a letter, then explain, otherwise you will be a revolutionary tribunal. ʺ
31. Similar anonymous letters were found in the villages of Nikolaevka and Turovka, Turovsky district, Priluksky district, willow. Gute Zelenitskaya, Korostensky District.
North Caucasus. 32. Kuban District. November 28. In stts. Ladoga nonresident and especially demobilized Red Army men are dissatisfied with the granting of rights to the Cossacks regarding the free carrying of cold steel, Circassians, etc. On this basis, as well as on the basis of frequent disputes on the land issue, two nonresident Cossacks beat up the Cossack just for wearing a Circassian coat.
Siberia. 33. Barnaul district. 15th of November. In with. Rozhnov Log, Rebrikhinsky District, a well‐to‐do peasant Zvyagintsev (former headman) burned down a grain barn by the poor. In with. Belovo near the miller, the poor set fire to the mill.
34. Arrived from the village. Sredne‐Krayushkino in the
village. Golyshevo, Beloyarsk district, farm laborer Vyatkin and the Shabanov brothers, under the guise of allegedly having fun, were taken to the village. Sredne‐Krayushkino of the middle peasant of Kraev Alexei and, turning into the steppe, beat him. The reason for the lynching was that one of the Shabanov brothers, being once a worker at Krayev, suffered all kinds of bullying from him. According to the chairman of the village council, this company also intended to kill the middle peasant Penkov, but he was not at home.
Cases of ʺred banditryʺ were noted in the village. Parfenovo, Aleisky district, willow. Zimino, Rebrikhinsky district.
DVO. 35. Buryat‐Mogol region. December 15th. In the Ekhirit‐Bulagat aimag, the Komsomol member Apkhaev with one‐celled members among 4 people, having arrested one citizen, under the pretext of his attempt to escape, was shot.
36. Komsomolets Khaakov Alaguy, who lives in the Zagruy ulus of the Olzonovsky khoshun, killed a one‐lusnik at night.
37. Komsomol members of the Idyginsky cell Raspopov Peter and Obogonov, 12‐15 versts from Ust‐Orda, robbed the living Buryats, in order to hide the traces of the crime, they had the intention to kill the victims.
38. Komsomolets Malkov M. (he is the instructor of the Union of Land and Forest), being drunk, in a fight with the youth of the village. Marislovsky Olzonovsky Khoshun 302 killed Mr. Oschenkov.
39. Komsomolets Nazarov Andrian, living in the Tolodoisky ulus of Bulagatsky khoshun, killed a local citizen.
40. On December 3, in the Tukhum ulus of the Khogotovsky Khoshun, a conscript Botoev organized a secret society to combat banditry, which included one member of the Komsomol. During one of the meetings, a peasant from the ulus Bagatai Zorin arrived. Botoev, being angry with him for killing his brother, ordered him ʺhands upʺ, tied him up, put him against the wall and, having made a speech calling for the fight against banditry, shot Zorin with a Smith‐Wesson. The party members who had left Hogot were greeted with volleys to disarm the formed society, but the latter were nevertheless disarmed and arrested.
True to the original: Pom. Secretary of INFO OGPU
Kucherov
APPENDIX 4
ATTITUDE OF THE PEASANTS TO THE PUNISHING POLICY OF THE SOVIET POWER
Centre. 1. Vyatka lips. In the village. Asineers of Staro‐Tryk parish Malmyzhsky u. a fire broke out. The peasants had a suspicion that the arson was committed by the peasant Lebedev, his wife Ulyana and their son Yegor, who were not at the fire. The chairman of the village council summoned suspects to the fire, Nikifor was not at home, Ulyana was dragged to the fire, thrown into the fire, from where she managed to jump out, then the chairman of the village council hit Ulyana with a lever and threw her into the fire again. The next day, the Lebedevsʹ son Yegor (12 years old) was summoned, allegedly for interrogation by the police, taken outside the village to the edge of the forest, during interrogation they hit him on the neck with an ax, the boy died from the wound.
2. Oryol province. Chairman of the Board of the Malo‐Bobrovsky agricultural partnership of Dmitrovsky district Golovin for a waste of 17,000 rubles. was sentenced to one monthʹs imprisonment by popular law. “The court passed the punishment not according to merit, we are punished for trifles for a year or more, and for 17,000 rubles ‐ only for one month,” the peasants said.
Northwest. 3. Leningrad province. There is discontent among the peasants of the village. Govorovo early release of the peasant Rasskazov, sentenced to 8 years in 1924 for banditry and other crimes.
4. Novgorod province. Peasants of Volokovskaya parish. Borovichsky u. unhappy with the verdict of the peopleʹs court of the 5th district, for the theft of two cows sentenced to 4 years of probation.
5. Vologda province. Shamakhov, who was repeatedly tried for the murder of the peasant Shenyukhov, was sentenced by the peopleʹs judge of the 4th section of Totemsky district. by one month of forced labor.
Ukraine. 6. Uman District. In with. Novo‐Mesto of the Monastyrshchensky region is marked by strong dissatisfaction of the peasants with the soft punitive policy of the Soviet government. This dissatisfaction arose on the following occasion. The peasant Galadun in February was sentenced to one year of imprisonment in the DOPR for arson, in September he was released from the DOPR. When he arrived in the village, now some peasants began to receive anonymous notes demanding money, and in case of non‐fulfillment of the demand, the author of the anonymous letter threatened to set him on fire.
1. Mogilev district. In with. Ozarnitsy noted a very alarming mood due to the fact that 7 bandits, caught with sawn‐off shotguns in their hands during the robbery of the mill, were acquitted by the verdict of the district court and are at large. The verdict aroused strong discontent among the peasants, especially since the court did not take into account the request of the gathering to evict these 7 people as thieves known to the entire peasantry.
8. Podolsk district. Criminal banditry is developed throughout Podolia. In the area with. Komarovtsy does not pass the night so that horse thieves do not take out several pairs of horses or climb into a house or barn. The inaction of the police and the impunity of the criminals makes the peasants sigh for the police officer, who had less theft. The peasants declare that ʺin spite of all laws, they will commit lynching against thieves, that they have no other choice.ʺ
9. Proskurovsky district. In with. Lukabarskoe, Volkovinets district, the peasants beat the horse thief, the instigators of the lynching were arrested and put in the DOPR, and the horse thief was released. After that, the horse thieves, out of revenge, burned down the entire household of the participants in the lynching, along with cattle and bread.
10. Vinnytsia district. Recently, a number of bandits were seized in the area of Cape Turbovo. The peasants are very pleased with this, but they do not believe that the bandits will be punished according to their merits and say about this: “They will be released soon anyway, and they will return to the village, and then there will be trouble; if they were given to us for reprisal, we would know what to do with them. ʺ
North Caucasus. 11. Maikop district. One of the peasants with. Eternal was planted by an anonymous letter with the requirement to deliver 200 rubles to a certain place. threatened ‐ otherwise kill or burn. The person who received the anonymous letter did not fulfill this requirement, and his shed was set on fire. The same anonymous letter was sent to another peasant, who also did not fulfill the demand; his shed was also set on fire. After that, three poor people, suspected of extortion and arson, were killed. The lynching was thought out in advance, it was supposed to kill 12 people. The chairman of the village council knew about this, but he did not take any measures. Members of the CPSU and RLKSM took part in the lynching. The peasants say that they confess to the lynching carried out, but this had to be done in order to get rid of the robbers who terrorized them, who did not allow them to work in peace. They also pointed out that, perhaps,
12. Stavropol District. In with. Ottoman peasants are outraged that thieves caught with stolen horses are released the next day, and the peasant who has found his horse must pay for it to the police. “It is necessary to take more severe punishment for the thieves and in no case should they be released from custody pending trial,” the peasants say.
Volga region. 13. Ulyanovsk province. The trial of the Gorodkov brothers in the case of the attempted murder of the peasant Mikhail Smirnov did not impose any punishment, the population remained dissatisfied with such a court, which does not give any punishment for an attempt on life. The courtʹs decision increased the distrust of him, the peasants say that ʺnow you can do whatever you want and the court will not punish.ʺ
Siberia. 14. Tomsk District. In a number of villages in the Ishim region, peasants declare: ʺSince the police do not take measures against drunkenness and shooting, we ourselves will kill those who do this, because we cannot live otherwise.ʺ
15. Biysk district. Peasants with. The Sarassy ‐ the Ryzhkovsʹ husband and wife ‐ complain: ʺHere is the Soviet law for you, our only son was killed, and the investigator released the murderer, stating thatʺ his crime is small, he can live free. ʺ The same criminal is killing the third person, when, finally, there will be a ʺbig crimeʺ. ʺ
16. Barnaul district. In with. Belove Chistyunsky district at the general meeting in the debate on the report of the village council spoke up to 40 peasants. In the debate, the following emerged: the roof of a public barn is torn down and used for heating. At night, the walls of the school are dismantled. The chairman of the village council does not take action, explaining that the bandits can kill him. In reality, the population is terrorized by bandits. In the evenings, the peasants are afraid to walk around the village and refuse night shifts in the village council. The peasant Mokachev, speaking at the meeting, said: “If the authorities are unable to bring thieves to justice, then let them allow us to kill them; the thieves are so sure that they will not be judged, and if they are convicted, they will still be released, that even in the daytime they decide on daytime robberies, to beat up members of the village council ʺ
DVO. 17. Transbaikal province. In with. Ulyatuy Olovyanninsky parish Borzinsky u. At one of the closed meetings the komcell decided: ʺEliminate three Buryats suspected of horse stealing.ʺ
True to the original: Pom. Secretary of INFO OGPU
Kucherov
APPENDIX No. 5
EASTERN NATIONAL REPUBLICS AND AUTONOMOUS AREAS ORDER
1. Population with. Merheuly Gumista u. (Abkhazia) is unhappy that the village council includes the chairman ‐ a former active member of the Menshevik organization, and the secretary of Chadania, also a former member of the Menshevik party.
2. In Shemakha u. (Armenia) head. The Echmiadzin UFO is a former officer. In February 1920, during the Dashnak adventure, he took an active part in the battles against the Red Army. UFO employees, mostly recruited by him, represent a politically unreliable element: head. tax subdivision ‐ former Dashnak, head. local tax ‐ former officer, employee Mushegyan ‐ former officer of the British army, etc.
3. In Salyan. (Azerbaijan) the inheritor of the 2nd Salyan section until 1917 was assistant. the bailiff of Lankaran and for some time the magistrate in Prishib. In 1918 he was the organizer of gangs in Archevan district, after which he served as an assistant bailiff in Prishib under the Musavats. During the Sovietization of Azerbaijan in 1920, he took part in the battles against the Red Army and lived illegally until 1923.
4. In Salyan district (Azerbaijan) in advance of the executive committee of the Karadonlinsky region, the money collected from the peasants in the amount of 4000 rubles. he keeps it for the organization of the cooperative, he does not start organizing it. In addition, from the received from Salyan 1000 rubles. for travel expenses, he gave part of the money to the shopkeeper, who shares the profits with him in half.
5. In Etchmiadzin district Head Kurdukulinsky registry office (Armenia), a member of the CPB, spent 52 rubles from state money.
6. In Leninakan u. during the audit of the warehouse of the executive committee No. 4 (Armenia), a waste of 800 rubles was found. In relation to the head. the warehouse, through whose fault there was a shortage, no measures were taken.
7. At the end of October this year. deputy. the head of the Adichensky militia (Georgia) during the tax collection in the village. Lelovani angered the peasants with his rude treatment of them, as a result of which the peasants attacked him, disarmed him and wanted to arrest him.
8. In Sighnaghi u. (Georgia) two policemen of Kardenakhsky with those 303, having got drunk, beat a peasant who was walking home, who was put in the executive committee stable, where he was kept until morning. The secretary of the Gurjaani district militia beat the peasant for no reason. On the same day, he beat up another peasant, who rebuked him for running over him on a horse. A policeman of the Kabal district militia, drunk drunk, broke into the house of a peasant woman and began to search. At the cry of the peasant woman, the peasants gathered, expressing strong indignation at the act of the policeman. The head of the Lagodekhi district militia took away the horse he liked (Shubitidze) from the peasant, which, in spite of everything, does not return.
NORTH CAUCASUS
9. In the aul of Rugudzha (Dagestan), there was a clash between two clans of Isibilazul and Iselazul on the basis of blood feud 304, which also took place in 1924. As a result of the clash that took place on December 1, one person was killed and one person was wounded and one of the clan of Isibilazul was wounded 2 people, 7 farmsteads belonging to persons who have nothing to do with the warring clans were also burned.
10. The Gunib okrispolkom (Dagestan) decided to take away part of the pasture mountains from the village of Archi and transfer them to other sheep breeders, to which the Archins did not agree and went out to defend their mountains with weapons. A detachment of partisans, sent to influence the Archins, returned without doing anything, while the Archins held a holiday in honor of the victory.
11. In the Cossack district of the Kabardino‐Balkarian region. a gang of unknown command numbering 10 people carried out a series of robberies. The gang consists of Kabardians and Ingush who came from Ingushetia.
12. In Ossetia, the production of robberies by the indigenous gang of Adyrkhaev was noted.
13. In the aul of Khodz, Natyrbovskiy district, ACAD, the strike group of the district had a shootout with Yesheevʹs gang. The bandits fired back and disappeared.
14. The chairman of the Bemchepash aulsovet and one of the honorable old men came to the chairman of the executive committee of the Natyrbovskiy district, who declared that they had been detained by the bandits and released on condition that they would negotiate with the authorities about the conditions for their voluntary appearance.
15. In the Shatoevsky district of Chechnya, most of the bandits who voluntarily surrendered are deprived of their voting rights, in connection with which they express their dissatisfaction and declare that since they have appeared for registration, they are no longer bandits and should enjoy all the rights of citizenship. Their petition for a full amnesty is expected to be supported by the district authorities.
16. In the Nadterechny district in the village. Upper Naur bandits volunteered to carry out a robbery. When the district police tried to arrest them, they resisted, opening fire. Four of them were arrested.
17. Re‐elections in Chechnya are scheduled for January 1, 1926, in connection with which there is a growing interest of the population of all strata in the upcoming campaign. Numerous groupings are outlined and formed, deploying struggle and agitation work in favor of the candidates they nominate. So, in the Urus‐Martan district, in particular in Urus‐Martan itself (population of 20,000), a group of local traders and small timber merchants, relying on the related tribes of the Bekoevites, Nashkhoevites, Chimakhoevs, and Nihaloevites, is widely campaigning for the return of Eldarkhanov and the retirement of the chairman of the district Bakanaev, the current chairman and a representative of their environment, citing the need to have an educated person at the head of power, and not a “muzhik”, considering Eldarkhanov a true defender of the interests of Chechens, an opponent of their disarmament and “extermination”, and finding a great threat to religion and Shariʹa the presence of communists in the government, depriving mullahs, venerable old people and wealthy people of voting rights. A similar picture is observed in the Novo‐Chechensky and Nadterechny districts, and in the latter, the clergy calls on the population to pass a sentence and petition the center for the return of Eldarkhanov.
18. In the Shatoevsky district, a group of people of kulak and religious elements, supported by the tribes that have suffered the most from disarmament, are campaigning in favor of both Sheripovs.
MIDDLE ASIA
19. In the Tashkent region. UzSSR by order of the newly appointed chairman of the VIK Buka vol. two citizens of the Ak‐Tepi aul were arrested. After holding them for two days, they demanded a bribe of 80 rubles. The arrested paid 20 rubles, the rest promised to pay as soon as possible.
20. In the Samarkand region. the chairman of the Makhalinsky VIK together with the secretary tried to rape the chairman of the village executive committee, the latter, having escaped, fled, fire was opened at him. Chairman of the village executive committee and chairman of the village committee of the Koshchi union of the Kulba rural community of the Samarkand district the whole village was not included in the income tax list, for which they later collected 5‐6 rubles from each inhabitant of the sheltered village. Total cases of bribery, violence and illegal extortion in the Samarkand district. recorded 6, in the Katta‐Kurgan district. ‐ 3, in the Jizzakh district ‐ 1 willow in Isteravshan vilayet ‐ 1.
21. In the Fergana region. the chairman of the agriculture in the village of Yashchik (Naryn vol.) during the Basmachi period was an amine, helped in supplying such food with food.
22. Chairman of the agricultural community Yukari Pangas (BabaDarkhan vol.) Hides 2000 heads of small livestock in the mountains in different places; participated with the Basmachs in the disarming of the police, as a result of which 4 policemen were killed. The chairman of the Yartepa agricultural community, having close ties with the Basmachs and hiding the property they had stolen, after the murder of the kurbashi (Mamatkul), he had stored 200 pieces of bekasan and 450 pieces of mats 305 intended for the uniforms of the horsemen, sold and appropriated the money.
23. In the Zeravshan region. the chairman of the Kambasabinsky village council (Vakbent vol.), when levying this or that tax from dehkans, takes more than is due: instead of 1 rub. 20 kopecks ‐ 1 rub. 40 kopecks, instead of 5 rubles. ‐ 5 rubles. 40 kopecks. etc. This chairman personally removed the elected person in the Uba village from his post, appointing his friend, a former accomplice of the Basmachi, to replace him. A member of the Wakbent VIC collected from a resident of Wakbent 6 rubles. for the division of property, he handed over to the present mullah. Guzar Dikrazan, a member of the Guzar Commission (Satarov is a party member), received 10 rubles for his presence as an attesting witness during the division of the property of one farmer. The chairman of the Sermedzhan village council (Gijduvan vol.) Exacted 60 rubles from a resident of the Yasuman village for the division of the property of a deceased farmer, and he also received a bribe of 20 rubles.306 wakuf earth 307.
24. In the Ferghana and Samarkand regions, the baystvo agitates that the land reform is contrary to the teachings of the Sharia, that all devout Muslims, in order to avoid Godʹs punishment, should abandon it, that the Soviet government cannot supply the landlords with live and dead implements, due to which the land reform will be postponed for 3‐5 years, which if such will be carried out, then only at the expense of the state land fund and then only in the form of leasing land plots (in order to receive a higher tax), etc.
25. Of the active measures taken by the city (trade) to preserve land plots, it should be noted: there is a massive resettlement of smaller traders‐landowners to their plots in Margelan and Kokand districts (Fergana region), where they think to stay only until the end of the land reform, bribing their teaikers 308 to give testimony to the land commission that they (the owners) worked the land with their own labor.
26. In the Fergana region. characteristic is the transfer of 200 tanaps by one of the large bays of the city of Andijan to the influential ishan in the village of Chem‐Bagish in the hope that the land from him, as one who enjoys great authority and has large connections with the central Soviet apparatus, will not be taken away.
27. In Turkmenistan, there is widespread agitation of the Baystva against the land reform, often reaching the level of calls for an open speech. In some places they threaten to kill members of the reform commission, for which they persuade special persons (the Kurds, promising to give them water for this). Baystva states: ʺIf everyone protests against the campaign, the authorities will not be able to carry it out.ʺ In some villages, for example, the villages of Shor‐Kala, KaraGeokchi, Bakhardensky vol., Yashkala, Bukra Geok‐Tepinsky vol. Poltoratsk district, the population of the aul is entirely opponents of the reform: ʺIn no case will we allow redistributionʺ, ʺnot a single member of the commission will return if they take our land, and even transfer it to other families.ʺ
28. In the aul Bagir of the Poltoratsky district, in order to avoid the transfer of land to other clans during the land reform, the surplus of sanashik land was distributed by the inhabitants of the aul, and only representatives of small clans united by the Geokcha clan were allocated. The right to use the surplus of this aul Bagir during the land reform was expected to be obtained by representatives of the clan otamysh, as well as the Takhtamysh, already at war with each other on this basis. It is characteristic to note at the same time the statement of the Takhtamysh people who are in contact with the Baghir people themselves: ʺWe would rather die than give water to the Muscles.ʺ
20. In the Samarkand region. the chairman of the Makhalinsky VIK together with the secretary tried to rape the chairman of the village executive committee, the latter, having escaped, fled, fire was opened at him. Chairman of the village executive committee and chairman of the village committee of the Koshchi union of the Kulba rural community of the Samarkand district the whole village was not included in the income tax list, for which they later collected 5‐6 rubles from each inhabitant of the sheltered village. Total cases of bribery, violence and illegal extortion in the Samarkand district. recorded 6, in the Katta‐Kurgan district. ‐ 3, in the Jizzakh district ‐ 1 willow in Isteravshan vilayet ‐ 1.
21. In the Fergana region. the chairman of the agriculture in the village of Yashchik (Naryn vol.) during the Basmachi period was an amine, helped in supplying such food with food.
22. Chairman of the agricultural community Yukari Pangas (BabaDarkhan vol.) Hides 2000 heads of small livestock in the mountains in different places; participated with the Basmachs in the disarming of the police, as a result of which 4 policemen were killed. The chairman of the Yartepa agricultural community, having close ties with the Basmachs and hiding the property they had stolen, after the murder of the kurbashi (Mamatkul), he had stored 200 pieces of bekasan and 450 pieces of mats 305 intended for the uniforms of the horsemen, sold and appropriated the money.
23. In the Zeravshan region. the chairman of the Kambasabinsky village council (Vakbent vol.), when levying this or that tax from dehkans, takes more than is due: instead of 1 rub. 20 kopecks ‐ 1 rub. 40 kopecks, instead of 5 rubles. ‐ 5 rubles. 40 kopecks. etc. This chairman personally removed the elected person in the Uba village from his post, appointing his friend, a former accomplice of the Basmachi, to replace him. A member of the Wakbent VIC collected from a resident of Wakbent 6 rubles. for the division of property, he handed over to the present mullah. Guzar Dikrazan, a member of the Guzar Commission (Satarov is a party member), received 10 rubles for his presence as an attesting witness during the division of the property of one farmer. The chairman of the Sermedzhan village council (Gijduvan vol.) Exacted 60 rubles from a resident of the Yasuman village for the division of the property of a deceased farmer, and he also received a bribe of 20 rubles.306 wakuf earth 307.
24. In the Ferghana and Samarkand regions, the baystvo agitates that the land reform is contrary to the teachings of the Sharia, that all devout Muslims, in order to avoid Godʹs punishment, should abandon it, that the Soviet government cannot supply the landlords with live and dead implements, due to which the land reform will be postponed for 3‐5 years, which if such will be carried out, then only at the expense of the state land fund and then only in the form of leasing land plots (in order to receive a higher tax), etc.
25. Of the active measures taken by the city (trade) to preserve land plots, it should be noted: there is a massive resettlement of smaller traders‐landowners to their plots in Margelan and Kokand districts (Fergana region), where they think to stay only until the end of the land reform, bribing their teaikers 308 to give testimony to the land commission that they (the owners) worked the land with their own labor.
26. In the Fergana region. characteristic is the transfer of 200 tanaps by one of the large bays of the city of Andijan to the influential ishan in the village of Chem‐Bagish in the hope that the land from him, as one who enjoys great authority and has large connections with the central Soviet apparatus, will not be taken away.
27. In Turkmenistan, there is widespread agitation of the Baystva against the land reform, often reaching the level of calls for an open speech. In some places they threaten to kill members of the reform commission, for which they persuade special persons (the Kurds, promising to give them water for this). Baystva states: ʺIf everyone protests against the campaign, the authorities will not be able to carry it out.ʺ In some villages, for example, the villages of Shor‐Kala, KaraGeokchi, Bakhardensky vol., Yashkala, Bukra Geok‐Tepinsky vol. Poltoratsk district, the population of the aul is entirely opponents of the reform: ʺIn no case will we allow redistributionʺ, ʺnot a single member of the commission will return if they take our land, and even transfer it to other families.ʺ
28. In the aul Bagir of the Poltoratsky district, in order to avoid the transfer of land to other clans during the land reform, the surplus of sanashik land was distributed by the inhabitants of the aul, and only representatives of small clans united by the Geokcha clan were allocated. The right to use the surplus of this aul Bagir during the land reform was expected to be obtained by representatives of the clan otamysh, as well as the Takhtamysh, already at war with each other on this basis. It is characteristic to note at the same time the statement of the Takhtamysh people who are in contact with the Baghir people themselves: ʺWe would rather die than give water to the Muscles.ʺ