Soviets in Spain - No spirit of defeat

Soviets in Spain -The October Armed Uprising Against Fascism

Harry Gannes

Published by WORKERS LIBRARY Publishers

P. 0. Box 148, Sta, D, New York City January 1935

Two outstanding factors underlie all developments in Spain since the October armed uprising. On the one hand, the toiling population shows no expression of defeat. There is no pessimism. Its fighting spirit was not crushed. Spain seethes with growing discontent and new rapidly maturing battles. The great reserves of workers and peasants who were not drawn into the revolutionary struggles are restive. The workers' organizations not only were not destroyed but are growing. The masses are discussing with the greatest enthusiasm the course of the battles, the reason for failure, and especially the achievements of the Asturias Soviets. The anarchist leaders are losing their grip on the Catalonian workers, and the Communist Party is growing rapidly.

On the other hand, the fascist regime has the greatest difficulty in solidifying its rule and asserting its brutal dictatorship. Its mass base is weak, disorganized, conflicting, indecisive. The ruling landlords, industrial capitalists, financiers and the blood sucking Church hierarchy have conflicting interests which sharpen as the crisis of Spanish capitalism grows worse.

In its hysteria, fear, and rage, the Spanish bourgeoisie slaughters and harasses the arrested toilers, hut is split even on the question of the degree of its revenge. And it is here that the international action of the workers, the united front in support of the Spanish fighters, becomes of the greatest importance, of the most powerful immediate value to our Spanish comrades against their hangmen. While killing hundreds of workers in secret in Asturias, only several have been executed openly as a national example to the revolutionists. These butcheries were met with strike actions on a large scale.

No Spirit of Defeat

A correspondent of the Daily Worker in Madrid described the situation existing on November 1, nearly one month after the fighting:

"There is not the slightest spirit of defeat among the workers. The glorious Commune of Asturias is the main topic of discussion among them. Asturias has become the guiding light of the Spanish workers. They hail 'La Commune' of Spain. The workers are learning more and more of what happened; are discussing their mistakes, preparing to gain by them. This is heightening the despair of the bourgeoisie.

"Fascism is having the most difficult time trying to institute its dictatorship over the workers. The type of fascism, based on the Church and religious trimmings, sought by Gil Robles, is finding the greatest difficulty as the workers are learning what fascism is. The briefest picturization of the situation in Spain today is that of an invading army which has managed to seize some of the important fortified points, hut is awaiting with fear and trepidation the attack of a hostile population."

Failure and inability to consolidate the fascist regime in Spain led to a partial cabinet crisis on November 17. Foreign Minister Ricardo Samper Ibanez and War Minister Diego Hidalgo were forced to resign. The fascist leader Robles precipitated their resignation on the ground that Civil Guard forces should have been increased and greater counter-revolutionary measures taken against Socialists and Communists in Asturias before the armed uprising. Robles, unlike Hitler, repeatedly denies fascist intent and declares his love for the Republic.

Crisis Is Acute

The economic crisis, especially acute in Spain before the revolutionary struggles, now, with the "victory" of fascism, is plunging the following articles: "After the Glorious Revolutionary Days, greater masses of peasants. Unemployment almost doubled when work began after the general strike. The financial condition of the government, always increasingly bad, is now grave. The cost of the civil war was so great that the government gladly accepted donations from every monarchist and capitalist source to help pay for the slaughter of the workers. Ex-King Alfonso donated 50,000 pesetas. All of the big companies and landowners added their bit. Even the American Telephone & Telegraph Co., and other Wall Street corporations in Spain contributed thousands of pesetas to the fund for the armies which killed the workers.

The mutinies which occurred in the armed forces during the fighting hang over Spanish fascism like a heavy cloud. Besides the regiment at Gerona, and the sailors at Santander, who refused to go into action against the workers, there is the case of Lieu tenant Colonel Lopez Bravo of the African troops who were ordered to Spain. Bravo was arrested and is now in prison because he declared: "They will not shoot down their brothers".

The discussion of the lessons of the revolutionary struggles, stirring the toiling and peasant population, is sweeping through the army,

"There is practically nothing left of the state and spirit of the republic of 1931," declared the monarchist Deputy Colva Sabila in the Cortes after the insurrection.

This meant that the process of the Right of destroying through "democratic" means all of the gains of the 1931 republic had been practically achieved. The agrarian reforms are now wiped out. The conditions of the workers are being made worse. The Socialist and Communist municipal representatives are being thrown out, and fascists appointed in their place. Church reforms are ended, and the Church has been strengthened as a fascist base. The autonomy measures granted to Catalonia and Biscay under the constitution are now completely annihilated.

The Communist Party of Spain has come out of the battles intact and strengthened. Prepared for illegal struggles by the previous period of long suppressions, by the world experience of fascist developments, by the leadership of the Communist International, the organizational structure of the Party was not injured by the terror. The Central Committee of the Party meets constantly in Spain and directs the increasing activity of the Party. Immediately after the battles, the first issue of the illegal organ of the Party, Bandera Roja (Red Flag) appeared containing the following articles: "After the Glorious Revolutionary Days, the Battle Is Not Ended"; ''They Are the Savage Assassins"; "The Truth About Asturias"; "A New Ignominious Affront of the Second International"; "Prisoners of the Same Cause"; "Unity and Solidarity"; "Soldiers! Class Brothers: Our Place Is on the Side of the Revolution!"

Those Socialist members of the Cortes who were not arrested met to discuss the question of whether they should participate in the sessions of the Cortes. By a vote of 23 to 16 they decided to boycott the sessions until the arrested deputies were freed. The leader of the Right Wing,Besteiro, who fought against the armed struggles, did not vote, deciding to participate in the parliament of the fascist Lerroux-Robles government.

Anxious to suppress the truth of the present situation in Spain, the Lerroux-Robles regime not only enforces its censor ship but does everything possible to prevent delegations from other countries investigating conditions. The Paris lawyer, Oppman, of the International Juridical Association, and Rabate, representative of the United Confederation of Labor of France, who went to Madrid to aid the arrested workers and to learn of conditions in Spain, were both thrown into prison. The two British investigators, Miss Ellen C. Wilkinson, former Labor Member of Parliament, and the Earl of Listowel, author, were kidnapped in Oviedo on November 17, and driven for 17 hours to the border and then told to go or their lives would be in danger.

The French and Portuguese governments cooperate with the Lerroux-Robles fascist regime by deporting fleeing revolutionists, and turning them over to be imprisoned or killed.

The International Labor Defense of Spain, from official figures, and from its own reports, estimated the losses of the revolutionary struggles in Spain as follows: 3,000 dead, 5,000 wounded, 90,000 prisoners. With regard to prisoners, the official figures show that in Barcelona there are 6,000 in prison and 3,000 in Madrid. All jails are frightfully overcrowded; five or six prisoners being packed into cells meant for one.

The Spanish section of the International Labor Defense, addressing itself to the workers in all countries on their tasks in defense of the Spanish workers in the present situation, declared:

"Thousands of families and orphans are left completely destitute. Mass arrests are still being made all over Spain, and there are not enough prisons to hold the arrested so that they are being packed like cattle into improvised concentration camps

"The Spanish section of the I.L.D. took its fighting position from the first moment. We know it is our duty to bring help quickly to thousands of prisoners, thousands of families, and children of dead revolutionaries. We are exerting our utmost efforts. We are calling on the toiling masses everywhere to aid us in the tremendous task, for without help we cannot carry it out.

"We need your help!

'In the name of the heroic Spanish workers and peasants who have given their lives in the struggle against fascism. we appeal to the toiling masses of the whole world to aid us in carrying out our task.

"In Spain the Socialists, Communists, anarchists, have fought side by side against their class enemies. Carry out your solidarity action on the same broad basis of the united front of all workers, and of all organizations of the toiling masses."

In the very midst of the stirring heroic battles of the Spanish workers, the Communist International appealed to the Labor and Socialist International for immediate united front actions in support of the embattled Spanish proletariat. On the barricades, Socialists and Communists were shedding their blood to stem the rise of fascism. Where the united front had been solidly achieved, as in Asturias province, the workers were able to show the world marvels of revolutionary accomplishment. At the very height of the widespread fighting in Spain, workers throughout the world felt that flesh of their flesh was in action, and ached to come to their aid. To give living expression to this urgent, overwhelming desire for united solidarity actions, the Communist International took the initiative.

On October 11, both the Communist International and Young Communist International addressed the Socialist world bodies very sharply, putting forward the need for immediate, joint action on an international scale.

"A victory for the fascist-monarchist reaction in Spain would", said the Communist international’s wire to the Socialist International, "-after the seizure of power by fascism in Germany and Austria-mean not only immeasurable torture for the workers and peasants of Spain, but would signify a heavy blow for the inter national proletariat.

"Only the fighting unity of the working class of all countries can bring real help to the Spanish workers, and bar the road to Spanish and world reaction. At this decisive moment, when the bourgeoisie is endeavoring to shatter one of the fighting troops of the international working class, the Spanish proletariat, the Communist International calls upon its Sections to join the other labor organizations in the organization of mass meetings and demonstrations in solidarity with the Spanish working class."

In order not to permit this appeal, at this critical moment, to be treated as a communication to be answered in due course by the Socialist International, the C.I. declared it was delegating Comrades Marcel Cachin and Maurice Thorez, leaders of the Communist Party of France, to negotiate immediately with the leaders of the Labor and Socialist International.

Four days later, in response to this appeal, an historic meeting took place at Brussels between the two Communist delegates, and Emil Vandervelde (Belgium), and Friedrich Adler (Austria), for the Executive Committee of the LS.I. The full text of the stenographic report of these conversations was published by the French Communist daily, L'Humanite (November 3, 19.l1).

Action Urged

At the outset Vandervelde stated that their two representatives were present only to listen and transmit their report. Cachin and Thorez declared immediate action was necessary internationally, for while they spoke, Socialists and Communists were being shot down by the Spanish fascists.

Cachin declared: "We pose the question as precisely that of immediate action in favor of our Spanish comrades." He outlined the following immediate program for joint action:

1. Organization of meetings and demonstrations jointly un der the slogans: "Down with the Lerroux government! All for the defense of the workers and peasants of Spain in the fight against reaction!"

2; Joint plan in the trade unions to stop the transportation of troops or ammunition for the Lerroux government.

3.Joint action of the Socialist and Communist parliamentary fractions in all countries demanding the convocation of parliament to protest against the barbarous executions of the Spanish workers. Similar action in the municipalities.

4.Immediate material support to aid the victims of the Spanish repression to be collected jointly.

S.P. Leaders Stall

Adler and Vandervelde hemmed and hawed, suspected Communist "maneuvers", pleaded they had no mandate to accept immediate action, declared that the situation in the different parties of the L.S.I., made prompt response out of the question. Vandervelde concluded by saying he believed the outlook appeared favorable, but that the matter would have to be taken up at the L.S.I. Executive Committee meeting in Paris on November 13.

On the day, the Communist representatives met with the Socialists, the Spanish workers, after five days' battle, marched into Oviedo, capital of Asturias province. When the Socialist Inter national finally rendered its decisio11, on November 18, general Ochoa marched into the ruined city of Oviedo and shot hundreds of workers.

The Communist Party in nearly all countries addressed ap peals to those Socialist Parties which had not already entered the united front to join in actions for the support of the Spanish workers.

In the United States, besides letters to the National Executive Committee of the Socialist Party, the Daily Worker addressed numerous appeals for united action-from the very first day of the fighting to the last day of the fighting, and repeatedly after wards. There was no direct response.

Stormy discussions featured the L.S.I.'s Paris sessions. Great pressure was being exerted upon all Socialist Parties by the working masses for the united front, especially on the concrete question of support to the Spanish fighters.

There were three distinct groupings. On the one hand, there were the Parties who had already established the united front with the Communist Parties (France, Italy, Spain, the Saar) who were for joint international action. There were others, such as Belgium and Austria, who were for no international joint actions, but for an ending of the ban on national negotiations. Lastly, there were the Party officialdoms who were bitterly against any united action. These were primarily the Scandinavian Par ties, Holland, and the British Labor Party.

Of these latter Parties, particularly the Scandinavian and Dutch, the leaders berated the Spanish workers for having taken up arms against fascism altogether. These parties proposed, if joint international action could not be avoided, under the pressure of the ·masses, that it shackled with the counte1·-revolutionary proposals that the Soviet Union give up the proletarian dictator ship, and release the enemies of the worke1·s' State.

The final decision provided that it was not "advisable" or "appropriate" to continue negotiations between the internationals.

A Step Forward

The same letter, however, indicated a step forward. It declared on behalf of the Executive Committee of the L.S.I., that the decision of March, 1933, forbidding unity of action with the Communist Parties, without approval of the International, had automatically expired with the new uprisings, and from now on "every section may carry on its negotiations in complete independence".

This opens up a new vista in the struggle for the united front against world fascism.

Class lines throughout the world are growing tighter, sharper, more hitter. The Spanish workers entered the battle against fascism bravely. Everywhere the fight must and will be taken up encouraged, inspired, and emboldened by the self-sacrificing daring of the Spanish proletariat. They showed us the way to unity of action in its highest phases.

In the United States fascism is no longer an article of import. It is developing rapidly, even to the extent of the actual creation of the armed fascist hordes.

The united front against war and fascism has become the most burning question before the American working class. The growing response of the S.P. rank and file to the persistent united front proposals of the Communist Party has forced recognition from all sections of the Socialist Party leadership. It is attested to, particularly, by the vehement resistance to it by the Right wing, reactionary leadership of the Socialist Party.

In its Boston meeting, in the latter part of November, 1934, the majority of the "Left" National Executive Committee of the Socialist Party, anxious to block the realization of the united front against war and fascism, did not even take the trouble to reply on the specific issue of united action in support of the Spanish proletariat, many of whom were at the very moment facing death, torture, or long imprisonment.

Despite this failure, united actions in support of our Spanish brothers, Socialists, Communists, and anarchists must be carry out.

The Spanish prisons are full to overflowing. Each day sees the development of new battles, new strike struggles, intensified resistance, and at the same time, more barbarous assaults on the workers by the Spanish landlord-bourgeoisie in its efforts to bolster up its fascist regime.

In every city, in every locality, efforts must be made for united actions in behalf of the Spanish workers with a view to

(1) Arranging mass demonstrations and meetings as an expression of solidarity with the Workers' Alliance in Spain, and the heroic, fighting working class; ( 2) Demonstrations at the Spanish consulates and embassy against the execution and imprisonment of Socialist, Communist and anarchist prisoners;

(3) for the collection of funds, food, clothing and other material aid and defense for the prisoners of fascism in Spain.

The united front on behalf of the Spanish workers is not only an international necessity in the present phase of the struggle in Spain, the defensive fight against fascist terror, for the lives and freedom of the arrested Socialists, Communists and syndicalists, but is a prime requisite for speeding the future offensive battles. It will strengthen, furthermore, the international solidarity of the workers everywhere in their fight against fascism.

To the extent that we can most rapidly and the most effectively establish the united front for the defense of the Spanish workers against fascist terror shall we be doing our utmost in helping to speed the day when the toiling masses of Spain will be able to carry their glorious revolutionary battles of October to a victorious conclusion.

APPENDIX

Appeal of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Spain

The following appeal of the C.C. of the C.P. of Spain was published in October after the revolutionary fights. It contains a criticism of the tactics of the united front organs, the "Workers' Alliances", which in some localiti.es, in addition to Communists and Socialists, also comprised anarchists.

To ALL Workers AND PEASANTS of SPAIN, CATALONIA, THE BASQUE PROVINCES, AND GALICIA:

The provocation of the exploiting class of Spain, which set up the Vatican-fascist government, called forth an outburst of popular indignation which has shaken the regime of the bourgeoisie and landowners to its very foundations.

Tired of suffering hunger, exploitation, and terror, the workers rose in order to take up the fight for bread, land, and freedom. In very many places, especially in Asturias and Biscay, the red flag of revolution and Soviet Power fluttered in the breeze as a symbol of a new Spain, freed from misery. The heroism of the workers in the fight reached its highest point in the glorious epoch of red Asturias, where the socialist republic of the workers and peasants was proclaimed, which is still being maintained to day, defended with the breasts and weapons of the slaves of the pits, in the midst of a hell of blood and machine-gun fire let loose by the fascist dictatorship government of Lerroux-Gil Robles, who sent their brutes of the Foreign Legion and the colonial troops to murder the brave mine-workers, to massacre their wives and children with artillery, to burn down their dwellings and to violate the proletarian women.

Long live the courageous proletariat of Asturias!

Long Live the heroic proletariat of Asturias! Workers!

The battle which has been fought is not the decisive battle. The executioners of the working people should not exult too early at their victory. We have returned to work, but we are ready to gather our forces again, to take up the fight again at a more favorable moment, and with greater confidence in victory than ever before. Let us learn from events and make use of the experience. That will strengthen us on the sure way to victory.

The Communist Party, which flung itself into the fight with all its forces although it did not agree altogether with the tactics and methods of organization of the fight, which did not spare itself any effort nor shrink from sacrifices in order to place itself at the head of the fighting masses, now invites all workers to draw the lessons from this fight not only in order to solve the doubts and questions which today confront thousands of proletarians, but in order to arm them with the theory and correct tactics which will lead us to victory in the coming fights.

Why did we not win the victory?

Among all the exploited there was no lack of will and courage, determination and firmness, devotion and sacrifice. Why, then, did we not win the victory? Because, as our Party has repeatedly declared, there was not sufficient political and organizational preparation for the revolution, because its program was not brought to the knowledge of the whole of the working masses, because the advantages which the revolution will bring to the workers, the peasants, the soldiers and all the exploited had not been popularized.

The· fact that the revolution cannot be simply made but must be organized, that the organization of the revolution cannot be confined to groups of volunteers who are "ready for every thing", but that all the forces of the working class and the immediate allies of the revolution, the peasants, must be drawn into the fight-all this was ignored.

The resolution of the Central Committee of the Communist

Party, published in the Mundo Obrero (World of Labor) of September 17, stated: "The Workers' Alliances, as their name implies, arise as the organ of one of the main driving forces of the revolution, namely, the proletariat, which is a guiding forces -but they fail to recognize the second main driving force, represented by the peasantry, without the alliance with which there can be no guarantee of the socialist revolution." This is the reason why the army, except in a few isolated cases, did not also join in the fight on the side of the workers.

The overwhelming majority of the soldiers are peasants, and they will only go over to the side of the revolution if it satisfies

their requirements. As they did not know what the revolution would give them, the tremendous forces of the village, for the far greater part, did not join the fight.

The problem of power, the main question of every revolution, was not presented plainly and clearly to the proletariat and the masses of the peasantry. The greater majority of them therefore did not know into whose hands and into what organs they had to place power, and what power meant for them. There was lacking a program-this force which when it becomes embodied in the masses, causes them to defy death in order that the program shall be realized in life.

In the above-mentioned resolution of the C.C. of the C.P. it is stated:

"The fight to smash the regime of the bourgeoisie and land owners and for the power of the workers and peasants presupposes the political and organizational preparation of the masses for the achievement of this aim. Therefore, the propaganda of the program of the workers' and peasants' government, setting forth that which the victorious revolution will give to the working people, must be intensified among the working masses in town and country."

The facts have confirmed the correctness of this estimate. In order to throw the whole mass of the toiling people into the fight, it is necessary that they be previously permeated with the program, which must become the Hag of the advance-guard, summoning them to the fight. As this was not the case, the enormous forces represented by the proletariat in every factory, in every mine and every field, were untapped. For this reason neither factory committees nor committees of peasants nor the Alliances were set up in every place where exploitation took place -in which workers, peasants and soldiers should he directly represented-that is to say, organs for preparation of the armed revolt, embryonic organs of po1i·er of the victorious revolution (Soviets).

The fact that all this was lacking is not due to chance. It was in accordance with an unclear view of tactics. There was lacking both the theory and practice of the revolution. There 1rns lacking the unity and iron discipline "·which must characterize the party of the revolution. Within the Socialist Party there are to be found devoted revolutionaries together with elements which do not conceal their hostility to any revolutionary action. This fact was bound to be reflected in a number of vacillations in regard to directions and some confused and contradictory instructions.

This was the reason for the terrible mistake that the general strike 1rns not carried out before the formation of the hangmen's government of Lerroux. This meant that the initiative was left in the hands of the enemy.

Another terrible mistake 1rns to entrust the issue of the fight to such vacillating persons as Companys and his like, who out of fear of the development of the people's revolution capitulated to the forces of the enemy, or to the Republican army commanders, instead of the united masses of the workers. In order to ensure the victory of the revolution it is necessary that the leadership of the revolution shall remain in all its forms in the hands of the exploited. That is the only guarantee of victory. Our heroic comrades in Asturias and the Basque province have proved this.

"The emancipation of the working class can only be the work of the workers themselves" (Marx). This fact was not realized in its whole significance.

Comrades anarchists, take note!

The Communist Party endeavored in good time to correct these errors, and persisted in its endeavors in the course of the fight. Nevertheless, in spite of the seriousness of the errors, the situation would not have developed in favor of the monarchist. fascist canaille if, above all, the anarchist leaders of Barcelona and Saragossa had not committed their shameful act of betrayal of the revolution at the very moment when all the exploited of Spain were fighting like lions with weapons in hand.

It is not merely the civil guards and storm guards, not only the monarchist and fascist officers, not merely the machine guns which for the moment decided the battle in favor of the blackest reaction.

To the everlasting shame of the anarchist leaders, it was their appeals, which they issued from the genera/, head quarters of the fascist Batel in Barcelona. The leaders of the Anarchist Federation prevented the victory of the revolution. They sold their own anarchist comrades who, in Asturias, Madrid and other places, realized their duty to their class and fought bravely together with their Communist and Socialist brothers.

It is these anarchist leaders who are chiefly responsible for the present situation. Do not forget this, comrades anarchists! From what has already been said it is evident why the peasants did not seize possession of and defend the land, uniting with the proletariat in the fight, and why the great majority of the soldiers did not fraternize with the workers and go over to the revolution.

Therefore the counter-revolutionary pack was able to tear down the red flag of the revolution and hoist the black flag of the death penalty, suppress all the democratic liberties of the working people, pounce like jackals onto the defeated districts in Catalonia and in the Basque province, entrust power into the hands of the fascist monarchists and return to the monarchist-militarist jesuit past.

Everything that is reactionary and backward in society, the whole combined forces of counter-revolution, are hastening to celebrate their triumph. But they are in too much of a hurry. They can shoot, imprison, increase the misery and hunger among the working people still more, but the hungry will not become satisfied by fasts, the pains and tears of the mothers and women of the people will not be stopped by the whips and blows of the civil and storm guards. It is impossible to satisfy the people with blows of the butts of rifles and bayonet stabs, nor to hold back with the voice of command of the arrogant generals the disaster to industry and agriculture which the Lerroux regime has brought.

The workers want bread and work; the peasants want land; the whole people want freedom. In the heart of every worker and every peasant their lives the will to fight and take revenge. The class hatred against this regime of hunger, misery and terror is spreading-below the surface-and sullen hatred is germinating in the depths of the working masses, which will break out-and this not before long. Taught by these events, these masses are being better steeled for the fight, better organized to march for ward to victory under the leadership of their class advance-guard.

The fight is not yet at an end.

This is proved by the fact that the band of clerical-fascist hangmen are far from having mastered the situation. In Asturias, the proletarian legions are continuing their heroic fight. The same can be said of the mining district of Biscay. Today the proletarian forces are retreating, but at the same time are pre paring to employ new fighting tactics based on a new organization.

The great battle for bread, land, and freedom has not yet been fought. The Workers' and Peasants' Alliances are being formed in the working-class centers. We shall convert every fac tory into a stronghold of the revolution. We have fought unitedly and we shall advance unitedly more firmly than ever. We shall discuss in a brotherly manner the experiences, the positive sides, and the mistakes of the past fight, but nothing can destroy the unity of (action of the Communist and Socialist workers. And we shall continue in our endeavors to draw to our side the anarchist workers who have so clearly perceived the shameful attitude of their leaders in this movement.

We shall continue unitedly to defend tooth and nail the heroes of red Asturias and the Basque provinces, to prevent reprisals by the fascist employers. We shall continue united in the fight against the government, against the death penalty and against the monarchist-clerical-fascist reaction; united in order to support the prisoners, to fight for land for the peasants, for freedom of the press, of meeting and the trade unions, for the freedom for the people of Catalonia and all suppressed nations, for the dis arming of the fascist hordes and for the arming of the workers and peasants; united to form a single anti-fascist bloc and for the power of the workers, peasants and soldiers.

Socialist and anarchist workers!

The facts have shown the correctness of our political line, of our tactics and our revolutionary fighting tactics. They have proved once again that there can be only one party of the revolution, and that this party is the party which bases its activity on the tremendous experiences of two glorious and victorious revolutions, of Russia and Soviet China. Everywhere where our forces predominate, as in Asturias and the Basque provinces, the form of organization and tactics made possible glorious achievements which today are the pride of all revolutionaries of Spain. Our Party, in spite of the reactionary storm, which is raging around it, remains at the head of the fight of the oppressed masses. More than ever their firm hands are grasping the flag of socialist revolution against the cowardly calumniators and against the lackeys of capital. And thus, as in the past, they are holding aloft this flag on which is inscribed the battle cry for land, bread and freedom, the battle cry of the Soviets, for the triumph of Socialism.

For the first time in the history of the Spanish revolution the flag of the Soviets has been raised and defended in the revolutionary fight against the bourgeois-landlord regime. In Asturias, the Socialist Republic lived and still lives on the basis of the Soviets.

A new chapter has commenced in the history of the proletariat and of the peasant masses of Spain. Today the proletariat knows from its own experience that only under the flag of the Soviets can it conquer. The future fights will be waged under this sign, and we shall be victorious.

Comrades all, keep a stout heart! Today let us more than ever maintain faith in victory! Let us close our ranks firmly, courageously, and calmly, collect our forces, maintain discipline.

Let us extend our battalions! Strengthen the advance-guard of the fight, come into the Communist Party! Workers, peasants, soldiers, gather round our flag and let us march in firm ranks to victory!

Long live the workers' and peasants' government!

Long live the Soviets!

Long live the proletariat united in the Alliance of the workers and peasants!

Long live the world revolution and its general staff, the Communist International!

Long live the Communist Party of Spain!

Communist Party Of Spain