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Stalin, Soviets and Israeli QuestionNOTE "PRELIMINARY CONCLUSIONS ON THE POSITION OF JEWS IN THE PALESTINIAN QUESTION "
October 16, 1948
Secret
The Jews have not yet finalized their position on the Palestinian issue.
From conversations with Shertok, we found out the following.
1. The Jews declare that they will take the position of the decisions of the General Assembly of November 29, 1947, but consider it necessary to make some changes to these decisions.
2. The Jews are positive about our proposal for the withdrawal of foreign troops from Palestine and consider it the main condition that can ensure peace in Palestine.
Jews are also in favor of the Security Council taking appropriate measures to prevent the resumption of hostilities in Palestine.
Jews are in favor of conducting peace negotiations directly between the parties concerned.
3. Regarding point "B" of Bernadotte's proposals - the Jews are categorically against the rejection of the Negev region, but for the inclusion of the Western Galilee in the Jewish state.
4. With regard to point “C”, the Jews are evasively claiming that they would certainly prefer an Arab state to be created in the Arab part of Palestine, but it does not exist.
From conversations with Jews who are not part of their delegation at the Assembly session, it turns out that Shertok himself and most of the members of the Israeli government would allegedly prefer to come to an agreement with Abdallah Transjordan and, through their consent to transfer the Arab territories of Palestine to him, not only keep the Jewish state of the Negev , but also to include Western Galilee and Jaffa in Israel, and to achieve a solution in their favor also the issue of Jerusalem and the corridor between Jerusalem and the main part of the Jewish state.
5. On point "d" of Bernadotte's proposals, the position of the Jews basically coincides with our proposal. They are opposed to any guarantees from the UN of the borders of the Jewish state that Bernadotte is proposing; but they are not opposed to such guarantees if a border decision is made that satisfies the Jews.
6. The position of the Jews on the issue of Haifa and Lydda (points "e" and "f" of Bernadotte) basically coincides with our proposal. They will oppose any limitation of Jewish sovereignty, but they will be ready, on the basis of reciprocity, to enter into direct negotiations with the interested parties on these issues.
7. On the issue of Jerusalem (points "g" and "1" of Bernadotte), the Jews will insist on:
a) the incorporation of the New City into the Jewish state,
b) To bring the Old City under international control in order to ensure the protection of the holy places and with the granting of autonomy to the Jewish, Arab and Christian communities of the Old City.
As a second position of the Jews, it is possible that they will agree with the unofficial proposal of the Americans to establish custody of the Jewish and Arab states over Jerusalem under the control of the Trusteeship Council.
8. The Jews will insist on providing them with a corridor to connect Jerusalem with the main part of the Jewish state.
The Jews argue all their demands regarding territorial changes by the fact that the borders established for the Jewish state according to the resolution of November 29, could be acceptable to them only if after the adoption of the resolution everything would go peacefully, the Jewish state was not subjected to attack and an economic union of the Jewish and Arab states and Jerusalem would be established. But there is no peace in Palestine, and the economic union has proved impracticable. Since the border line, as outlined in the November 29 resolution, cannot be defended, it must be corrected for defense reasons.
9. On the issue of Arab refugees (point "i" of Bernadotte's proposals), the Jews believe that this issue should be discussed during peace negotiations with the Arabs. Now, when the Jewish state is in a state of war, the Jews cannot give any guarantees for the settlement of this problem.
10. The Jews would not object to the institution envisaged in paragraph "K" of Bernadotte's proposals to the Palestinian Conciliation Commission, provided that the functions of this Commission would be of a purely advisory nature, without any rights that would allow it to interfere in the affairs of the Jewish state or limit its sovereignty.
With regard to the institution of the Mediator and the Palestinian Armistice Commission, 1 the Jews would consider it expedient to abolish both.
11. The question of the resumption of the activities of the Palestinian Commission, established by the decision of the General Assembly on November 29, is reserved by Jews. They are not satisfied with the composition of this Commission and are confused by its terms of reference. Jews believe that the Commission's terms of reference are too broad. They fear that this Commission might interfere in the affairs of the Jewish state, which they cannot allow.
OFFERS (in addition to the offers already presented)
1. In contrast to both the proposal of Bernadotte, which provides for the possible transfer of the Arab territories of Palestine to Transjordan, and the illegally created in Gaza (an Arab city in the southwestern part of Palestine by the Mediterranean Sea) to the all-Palestinian Arab government2, which declared the creation of a single independent state throughout the territory of Palestine, we it is necessary to insist on the urgent implementation of the General Assembly resolution of November 29, 1947 in the part concerning the creation of an independent Arab state in Palestine within the limits determined by the said resolution.
2. Concerning Jerusalem.
Considering that according to the resolution of November 29, Jerusalem should be governed on behalf of the UN by the governor, endowed with full powers, including the right to veto the laws that are passed and the conduct of foreign affairs.
Considering that in order to maintain law and order in the city, the governor is given the right to organize special police units, which will be recruited outside Palestine and in the size that the governor himself determines, and that, thus, through the governor, full control over Jerusalem will actually be in the hands USA and England.
Taking into account also that the question of the Palestine Economic Union disappeared, and therefore the city of Jerusalem, which was to become a part of this Union and, as its member, had to receive in its favor from the Jewish and Arab states from 5 to 10% of net income of these states, has lost its financial base.
It would be advisable to support the demand of the Jews to include the New City, where there are no “holy places,” in the Jewish state, but not the entire New City, as the Jews demand, but only a part populated by Jews. To include the Arab part of the New City into the Arab state of Palestine.
Above the Old City, where the "holy places" of Christians, Jews and Muslims are mainly concentrated, and some other adjacent places (the Garden of Gethsemane, etc.), to establish, in order to protect the "holy places," a special international regime under the supervision of UN. At the same time, provide for the granting of broad autonomy to the Arab, Jewish and Christian communities of the Old City.
3. With the support of the demand of the Jews to provide them with a "corridor" for the connection of Jerusalem with the main part of the Jewish state not to act. Instead, the decision should include a general provision guaranteeing full freedom to enter and live in the city.
4. On the issue of Arab refugees (clause "i" of Bernadotte's proposals), it would be considered possible to support the Jewish proposal that this issue be settled between Jews and Arabs during peace negotiations as part of a peace settlement.
5. We consider it expedient that the issue of guaranteeing the political, economic, social and religious rights of Arabs on the territory of the Jewish state, and Jews on the Arab territory of Palestine (paragraph "F" of Bernadotte's proposals) should also be settled directly between Jews and Arabs during peace negotiations ...
6. With regard to the resumption of the activities of the Palestinian Commission, established by the resolution of November 29, 1947, it would be advisable to make this proposal if the proposal for the immediate creation of an independent Arab state in Palestine, as well as the proposal for withdrawal from Palestinian foreign troops and foreign military personnel. Bearing in mind our proposals set out above in paragraphs 4 and 5, we believe it expedient not to entrust the settlement of the problem of Arab refugees and the problem of the rights of national minorities to the Palestinian Commission.
WUA RF. F. 07. Op. 21c. P. 49.D. 39.L. 81-86.