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  Selected Secret Documents from Soviet Foreign Policy Documents Archives - 1919 to 1941

Concentrated on 1st and  2nd WW Correspondence and Meetings related to Turkey, Balkans and Iran, with some additions from Afghanistan and India.

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Recording of the conversation of the plenipotentiary representative of the USSR in Turkey a. V. Terentyev with the ambassador of Germany in Turkey Von Papen **

May 9, 1939 secret

On my return from Istanbul, I paid a return visit to Von Papen. At first, the conversation was about the timing of a possible departure to Istanbul for the summer. In this regard, Papen told me that he would leave for berlin immediately after the ratification of the Anglo‐Turkish *** pact and asked that, obviously, the conclusion of a Soviet‐Turkish treaty should also be expected. I replied that, judging by the Turkish press, it was only about the Anglo‐Turkish negotiations, and asked his opinion on beckʹs last speech.

Papen believes that the tone of the polish foreign ministerʹs speech does not close the door for further German‐Polish negotiations, and again began to talk about the fact that Germanyʹs demands are quite legitimate, modest and moderate. “the poles claim that they cannot live without Danzig ‐ this outlet to the sea. However, they did not say a single word about the fact that at one time in Danzig Poland received 16 sq. Km of territory for the construction of the port they need and did not use this opportunity at all”. Near Danzig the poles equipped a new port ‐ Gdynia, the importance of which is immeasurably greater for Poland than Danzig. Germany and now, putting forward a demand for the return of Danzig, promises to grant Poland the right to use the port. Germany recognizes the polesʹ right to have a corridor for access to the sea. This means that Poland should also take a positive attitude to the ʺmodest demandʺ of the Germans to provide them with a small strip, only 20 meters wide, for the construction of a railway from Germany to east Prussia. ʺisnʹt this a minimum requirement for Germany,ʺ said Von Papen.

Further, the German ambassador began to develop the idea that Germany only wants to correct the mistakes of Versailles and does not harbor any other aggressive intentions towards other states. To my remark about the contradiction of this statement to the fact of the capture of Czechoslovakia,, Von Papen replied that Germany considered it completely impossible to have in the heart of her state such a country as Czechoslovakia,, with 40 divisions armed to the teeth, and, moreover, had allied relations with those countries that are considering Germany as its enemy. The entire past history of Czechoslovakia speaks of the desire of this state to strengthen friendly ties with France, Romania, etc., instead of being friends only with Germany.

Emphasizing that bohemia once belonged to Germany, Von Papen said the following: ʺalthough many believe that the inclusion of bohemia in the Reich is contrary to racial principles, the Czechs will have their own administration, their own schools, their own right and they will not be drafted into the army.ʺ ...

Turning to the question of the Balkan countries, Von Papen said that Gafenku had allegedly assured berlin that Romania excluded any danger that might come from Germany. And further, arguing with those who assert the presence of aggressive intentions of the present Germany in relation to the Balkan countries, Papen hotly stated that Germanyʹs only desire in the Balkans is to maintain peace and so that the Balkan countries can supply Germany with bread and other products. ʺwe have absolutely nothing in mind in relation to the Balkan countries.ʺ

In the conclusion of the Italian‐German military‐political alliance *, Von Papen sees nothing new, since everything previously agreed upon between these countries was only formalized on paper in recent days. “after Danzig,” Papen continued, “we will only have questions about economic relations with some countries, but they can be settled by all having gathered at a round table. We are a poor country and our only wealth is that our people know how to work. ʺ

My interlocutor caught a glimpse of the fact that in Turkey, some even prominent figures hinted to the Germans about how Italy would not let them down, referring to the history that preceded the outbreak of the world war. ʺfrankly, there are people here who do not like Italians.ʺ Berlin attaches great importance to the fact that in the near future a pact of mutual assistance may be concluded between Britain and Turkey. This, according to Von Papen, was known in berlin

* this refers to the German‐Italian agreement on political and military cooperation, the so‐called ʺsteel pactʺ, signed on May 22, 1939 in berlin (see note 113).

And therefore he, as an ambassador, was hastily sent to Ankara, ʺnot being allowedʺ even to collect his personal belongings.

Before I left, Von Papen repeated to me what he had said on the first visit. No contradictions, according to the German ambassador, divide the USSR and Germany. ʺideology should be left aside and return to the bygone Bismarckian times.ʺ

Plenipotentiary of the USSR in Turkey a. Terentyev

Avp rf, f. 011. On. 4.p 31, d 166, l 247‐249