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  Selected Secret Documents from Soviet Foreign Policy Documents Archives - 1919 to 1941

Concentrated on 1st and  2nd WW Correspondence and Meetings related to Turkey, Balkans and Iran, with some additions from Afghanistan and India.

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Talk of the plenipotentiary representative of the USSR in the kingdom of Afghanistan Mikhailov with the ambassador of Turkey in Afghanistan Esendalem

Sent to comrade Molotov, comrade Vyshinsky, comrade Lozovsky, general secretariat

April 17, 1941 secret

The Turkish ambassador, who returned after almost two months in India, paid me a visit.

The Turk began with an apology for the occasion that he had not come to see me before his departure for India. He stated that his departure to India was accelerated by the English envoy Fraser Tyler, who recommended that the Turk be sure to stop by Delhi and see the viceroy, warning that the viceroy was leaving soon, so the Turk was forced to leave immediately.

I asked the Turk how his trip went, what were his impressions of the events taking place in India, with whom he had seen.

The talkative Turk reported the following:

1. Meetings of the Turkish ambassador with the viceroy of India and other officials

The Turk said that he was generally pleased with his trip. He visited Peshawar, Delhi, Lagore, Bombay, Calcutta and many other places. He met with a large number of British and Indian statesmen and public figures. First of all, he went to Delhi.

Then Esendal noticed that when Fraser Tytler recommended to him to see the viceroy, he allegedly told the Englishman that he had nothing significant that he could tell the viceroy. To this f. Tytler allegedly told the Turk that the viceroy might have something of interest to the Turk. The Englishman allegedly especially insisted on the meeting of the Turk with the viceroy and said that this meeting could determine the success of the Turkʹs trip to India. The Turk declared that he was received in Delhi by the viceroy of Linlithgow, or, as he put it, the viceroy. The viceroy, according to the Turk, was mainly interested in two questions. These are questions about German afghan and Soviet‐afghan relations. In addition, he was interested in the question of the attitude of the afghan government to the movement of border tribes.

Regarding German African relations, the viceroy allegedly asked the Turk the following questions:

1.  How does the afghan government feel about the organization of the berlin‐Kabul airline?

2.  How is the transit of German goods to Afghanistan carried out?

3.  Through which territories do German specialists travel to Afghanistan? To these questions, the Turks said, if you believe him, the following: German afghan relations are still developing. If the USSR

Gives the Germans the right to organize a berlin‐Kabul airline through their territory, the afghans may not object to the Germans organizing this airline. Since there are neutral relations between the USSR and the Germans and there is no war, the Turks see no reason that the Soviet Union could prevent the transit of German goods and the travel of German passengers through the territory of the USSR.

The Turk told the Englishman, when asked about the relationship between the USSR and Afghanistan, that there were no changes, and everything was the same.

When asked about the attitude of the afghan government towards the border tribes, the Turk asked the Englishman what he meant. The Englishman said that he was interested in the attitude of the afghan government towards the movement led by the fakir from Ipi. At the same time, the Englishman allegedly emphasized that it should be considered a fact that the Germans and Italians provided assistance to ʺfakir from Ipiʺ, but that the Englishman allegedly did not understand how the afghan government approached this matter.

The Turk allegedly said that the British themselves should not create reasons for the movement of the afghan tribes of the border zone and that he personally doubted that the afghan government could provide assistance to the movement led by the fakir of Ipi.

The Turk noticed that he had put a number of questions to the Englishman, to which he did not receive an answer immediately. The Englishman promised to answer him through the Indian foreign affairs ministry, and that later, on the way back, the Turk managed to get from the Englishman a list of specific measures taken by the British to strengthen India’s defenses. At the same time, the Turk noted that the Englishman did not answer a number of questions.

In a further conversation, the Turks said that in addition to the viceroy, he was received not only by the minister of foreign affairs, who gave him lunch, but also by the commander‐in‐chief of the Indian armed forces, who also had a dinner in honor of his dachas.

The British generally received the Turk very warmly. The first secretary of the English mission in Kabul, fletcher (knows Russian), traveled with the Turk to some places in India and introduced him to a number of people. In particular, he introduced him to the family of Jawaharlal Nehru (a prominent leader of the Indian congress), more precisely, to one of his sisters. Fletcher is closely associated with this family. With the help of the British, the Turks were at a new, recently built, shipyard, located 70‐80 miles south of Bombay. At this shipyard, the Turks observed the construction of large ships with a tonnage of 15 thousand tons. He knows for certain that in India, a forced order and at the same time supposedly very organized and efficiently produces a large amount of military weapons and ammunition, in particular, a series of fairly large factories for the production of airplanes, tanks, cannons, machine guns and rifles have been built.

These industrial enterprises are located partly in southern India (madras, Mysore) in the province of Bihar, in central India and elsewhere.

2. Growth of American influence in India

America is providing enormous assistance in strengthening British military measures in India. From a number of sources, the Turks found out that the Americans have recently invested in India a huge amount

‐ 1 billion 600 million British pounds.

In India, Americaʹs influence has increased enormously. Among the large number of foreign specialists (mainly British, Australians and Canadians) are a large number of Americans.

When I asked how to explain the growing influence of America in India, the Turk said that, in the opinion of many people with whom he met in India, England, whether she won the war or lost, would still give up all her decisive international positions to the united states. The Americans are already actually holding England in their hands and without fighting they are winning one position after another from the British. India has a number of large, well‐performing American banks, commercial, industrial and other enterprises. The number of capital investments has sharply increased, and it can be assumed that at present, American capital in India is in second place after English capital.

3. Industrial development of India

I asked the Turk how the war affects the Indian economy, and in particular the industry, from where the Indian military industry draws qualified workers.

Turk reported that besides the exceptionally large number of American and British specialists, engineers and technicians, besides the engineering and technical forces arriving from Australia, there are also a large number of skilled workers who have arrived from the listed countries.

The Indian working class is allegedly not yet prepared to participate in a very complex military industry and is limited to performing the functions of a predominantly unskilled labor. All skilled workers, and especially technical personnel in India, who are in the production of military equipment, came from other countries.

...

4. Indian national congress and British politics

I asked the Turk what impression he got from the national movement in India, how strong this movement is. The Turk replied that of all the national organizations in India, the Indian national congress is the largest and most famous. British policy towards the latter is clear. The British want to keep this organization in their hands, reduce its political weight and generally render it harmless.

....

5.  Anti‐German mood in India

India has a very developed national bourgeoisie. It has huge capital. The middle bourgeoisie in India is much richer than the Turkish big bourgeoisie. The Indian bourgeoisie is now closely linked with British and American capital. This explains the fact that the Indian bourgeoisie fears a German invasion of India and begins to fear a Japanese invasion. In this regard, he believes that the Germans and Japanese do not have much influence in India. The same circumstance explains the success of the British in carrying out military training in India to disarm antiBritish elements. German propaganda in India is carried out mainly through radio. Other sources of German influence are not so significant, according to the Turk.

6.  About the reasons for the absence of universal military service in India

I asked the Turk how the organization of the Indian military forces was carried out and how to explain the absence of general military service in India.

The Turk said that he was personally interested in this question and asked it to a number of members of the British military command in India. Currently, he has the following opinion on this issue. India has over 350 million inhabitants. The introduction of universal military service in India for the British does not seem necessary. Without general conscription, the British have the opportunity to recruit the army they need. Moreover, the introduction of universal military service would lead to the fact that, due to the colossal poverty of the masses in India, such a huge number of people would come to the army that it would be difficult for the British to provide them with food. The Turk noted that he would inform me in more detail on this issue somehow, since the issue related to the organization of military forces in India is very big. In any case, he got the impression that the British in India have no shortage of human military personnel. Itʹs all about training these cadres. As for the commanding staff, India has a large number of British as well as American officers.

7. India and the defense of Turkey

In a cautious manner, I asked the Turk what he believed to be whether military assistance from India would be provided to Turkey in case this assistance was needed.

The Turk was reluctant to answer this question. He said, however, that many, apparently Indians, asked the influential British in his presence, and in particular the commander‐in‐chief of the Indian army, why India is not already providing assistance to the Turks, why military units from India are not being transferred to Turkey.

Thus, in the ambassadorʹs opinion, the mood of the Hindus on the issue of providing assistance to Tournai is extremely positive, especially among Indian Muslims. Another thing, the British. The Turk said that both the Viye King of India and the commander‐in‐chief of the Indian army allegedly did not report anything definite about the assistance to Turkey. The British do not help the Greeks very thoroughly, and there is little hope that they will provide much assistance to Turkey. The Turk was left with the impression that Turkey could be in a very difficult position if the Germans sent their huge army to invade Turkey. According to the information that the Turks have, and which were confirmed by the British military circles in India, the Germans now have an army of allegedly 7 million soldiers. Of this number, one million is concentrated on the borders with the Soviet Union, one million in France, near England and other parts of northern Europe, and 5 million are partly in the Balkans, partly concentrated not far from the Balkans.

Turkey at the present time, with the most intense measures, can nominate a maximum of 2 million soldiers. Of course, the Turks emphasized, if the Germans throw 5 million. Army, then Turkey will not be able to resist for a long time and will be forced to surrender.

8. Questions of afghan Iranian assistance to Turkey

I asked the ambassador what his impressions of the possible help to the Turks from the members of the Saidabad pact were. The Turk answered in the same spirit in which he repeatedly answered this question. Turkey does not currently view the Saidabad pact as a serious force. Neither Iran nor Afghanistan, in the ambassadorʹs opinion, are not only incapable, but also unwilling to provide serious assistance to Turkey in the event of a military attack on the latter by the Germans.

The Turk noted that after his arrival from India he had not seen the afghan prime minister Hashim khan, the latter is currently ill. As for the afghan foreign minister ali Muhammad khan, he spoke with the latter recently. The Turk comes to the conclusion that the afghan foreign policy is currently uncertain, expectant and unreliable for Turkey. Afghan ruling circles, with chagrin and anger told the Turks, ʺneither fish, nor meat.ʺ Turkey, due to the current situation, has to rely on itself. Its strength, unfortunately, is not so great. True, the Turks noted with pride, the Turkish army is not one of the last among the best armies in the world, the Turks have had major achievements in the field of the production of military equipment in recent years, in particular, they allegedly have a significant number of tanks, guns and other things useful for war. At the same time, if the Turks are expecting substantial help from anyone, it is only from the Soviet Union. Recently, according to a report from Ankara, Turkish‐Soviet relations have been characterized very positively. If the Soviet Union helps Turkey, then the Turks will not be afraid of any enemy. Turk especially noted the fact that now all more or less sober political and even ordinary people who do not occupy major official posts are aware of the great prospects facing the Soviet Union. In India, the Turks also had the opportunity to observe the growth of sympathy for the Soviet Union and saw that many advanced cultured people among the Indians, and there are a lot of intelligent and developed people who are not representatives of the big bourgeoisie, declare themselves as supporters of India’s rapprochement with the USSR. When I asked what kind of rapprochement we are talking about, the Turk could not say anything concrete.

9. About afghan tribes of the border zone

I asked the Turk what he knew new about the movement of the tribes in the border zone. The Turk said that, unfortunately, he was not able to visit the border strip. For some time, there was a group of Turkish officers at the end of 1940, who collected a lot of information on the Indo‐Afghan border and sent it to Ankara. Personally, he could not find out anything significant. He knows that the British continue to send significant weapons ‐ secrets, cannons, etc. ‐ to the border zone. A major concentration point for military units is the city of Ambala, 70 miles north of Delhi. From this point, the troops are partly directed to the northwest and north of India. From this, the Turks concludes that the British are worried about the border strip, apparently, there is something disturbing the British, what exactly, he does not know.

10. About the coup in Iraq

I asked the Turk how he viewed the coup that took place in Iraq237.

The Turk informed me that he was interested in this question himself. The opinion that he has formed is the following: the head of the new government in Iraq is a man who does not enjoy the sympathy of either the British or the Germans. The defeat of the Iraqi government, according to the Turk, was allegedly committed by a group of nationalist leaders. It is difficult to say anything more definite about this.

I asked the Turk what his opinion was about the Iraqi diplomatic mission in Kabul.

The Turk stated that he did not believe these people. Iraqi chargé dʹaffaires El‐kadeyari is a man who clearly does not inspire confidence in him. Among the Iraqis, there is one Kurd named Aziz khan, who is allegedly a nationalist. The Turk said that he also had a low opinion of the Egyptian envoy in Kabul, Suleiman bey. This person is too isolated and does not represent a large figure.

By the way, the Turk noticed that El‐kadeyari is worn with the idea of uniting Arab and Muslim countries and expresses his sympathy for the Germans. The Turk believes that there can be nothing efficient in uniting with the Arabs. They are few in number, backward and disconnected. They will not resist good technique. They will not go further than their tents. Arabs need to have strong power over themselves.

At the end of the conversation, the ambassador noted that the Turks were very impressed by the exchange of declarations between the Soviet government and Turkey on the issue of mutual understanding and neutrality *.

Turkish ambassador Esendal is about 65 years old. Heʹs a pretty chatty person. Since the beginning of the current war, due to some cooling of Soviet‐Turkish relations, the Turks have become much more restrained. Here in Afghanistan, he is considered the English mouthpiece. At the same time, his closeness with the afghan prime minister is known. Through this closeness, as well as through a group of Turkish specialists and through cadres of Turkish agents among the afghans recruited during their stay in Turkish educational institutions, the ambassador manages to keep abreast of the domestic and foreign policy of afghans. Not trusting the Turk, considering that, despite his talkativeness, he is still a rather clever businessman, and especially taking into account his thoroughly disguised hostility towards the USSR, we are careful in dealing with him and do not take his word for it.

K. Mikhailov avp rf, f. 071, on. 23, p. 196, d. 4, l. 280‐292