Bolshevik Leaders correspondence

Bolshevik leadership Correspondence. 1912-1927
Collection of documents 1996.
Compiled by: A.V.Kvashonkin, L.P.Kosheleva, L.A.Rogovaya, O.V.Khlevnyuk.

No. 159

A. M. Nazaretyan — G. K. Ordzhonikidze

July 12 [1922]

Dear Sergo!

Your letters and Philip's pamphlet have been received by the Mensheviks . They laughed to their heart's content. You have probably already received Koba's telegram. I have detailed information about Transcaucasian affairs from Mamiya. Koba still keeps the last agreement with you 2 . In general, as far as I can see, he is constantly maneuvering in Eastern questions between two pronounced groupings, both in Transcaucasian [politics] and in the politics of all the outskirts and autonomous and non-autonomous republics. Ilyich recovered completely. He is allowed to do a little. Do not worry. Now it's quite good. Koba was with him yesterday. He has to watch Ilyich and all mother Russey. Sergo, take Manya and the kids with you if you come to the plenum and conference 3. I think you should have come. Mamiya comes out of the letters as if the federation is exploding, and the situation is generally aggravated there. I fully share your point of view on Armenian affairs. Avis, of course, is very weak to govern Armenia, and in general he is not the leader of either the party or the councils. To do this, he has neither intellectual nor moral data. The Social Revolutionary process is coming to an end 4 . In The Hague - pecks 5 . Comrade Vardin is going to visit you in the first days of August. After the conference, Koba will probably also go on vacation. Well, for now, all the best. Hi Zina.

Your Amayak.

12/VII Let me know if you will come to the plenum and the party conference. If you don’t go, send Manya with the traveling delegates or in some other and more convenient way.

RTSKHIDNI. F. 85. Op. 1/S. D 13. L. 7. Autograph.

Notes:

1 See Document No. 158.

2 This, apparently, refers to plans for the creation of the Transcaucasian Federation.

3 The next plenum of the Central Committee of the RCP(b) took place on August 2, and the XII All-Russian Conference of the RCP(b) took place on August 4-7, 1922.

4 The trial in the case of the “Central Committee and certain other organizations of the Party of Socialist Revolutionaries” took place in Moscow from June 8 to August 7, 1922 (Jansen M. Trial without trial. 1922. Show trial of the Socialist Revolutionaries. M., 1993 ).

5 See note 1 to document No. 157.

No. 160

A. M. Nazaretyan — G. K. Ordzhonikidze

July 19, 1922

Dear Sergo!

Your messenger has arrived. You already know from Koba's telegram that we have received your and Comrade Voroshilov's letters. I am writing briefly, because in a short time we will meet and talk in more detail. T. Antonov, carrying this letter, you will probably meet in Baku. In addition to the telegram announcing Ilyich's health, I can tell you that he already feels so well again that he sends letters to Kobe every day, and the latter is angry, fearing that he will overwork himself again. Well, in a month or two, apparently, Ilyich will again set to work in the old way. I hope you fulfilled your promise and my request (I sent you a telegram, did you receive it?) and you are taking your family with you. How stupid Kamo died. How they waited for him! Levan entered the Socialist Academy. Now everyone is sick, the poor thing has lost weight. I want to send him out of town. I'd like to see all of you as soon as possible, Manu and children. Give the exact date of departure. At least out of the way. I'll come to the station. Until then, all the best. Hello Zina, Voroshilov. I kiss you warmly. Your Amayak.

19/VII-22 Moscow.

RTSKHIDNI. F. 85. Op. 1/S. D. 13. L. 1. Autograph.

No. 161

A. A. Ioffe - Politburo of the Central Committee of the RCP (b)

July 22, 1922

OWL. SECRET.

Project by A. A. Ioffe

TO THE POLITBURO OF THE CC RCP TO I.V. STALIN.

PRESOVNKOMAR V.I. LENIN.

REPRESENTATIVE OF THE REVOLUTIONARY COUNCIL TO L.D. TROTSKY.

PRE-COMMINTER to G.E. Zinoviev.

PREDMOSKGUBISPOLK. L.B.KAMENEV.

People's Commissariat of Foreign Affairs G.V. CHICHERIN.

MAIN LINES OF OUR POLICY IN CHINA

I. Policy in China, like our international policy in general, must first of all pursue the aims of the world proletarian revolution. To this end, the Extraordinary Plenipotentiary Representation of the RSFSR in China must in all its speeches constantly demonstrate the complete absence of the imperialist interests of the RSFSR and consistently stand guard over the protection of the interests of the oppressed classes of society and the oppressed peoples, and must also all its behavior (even in personal, private life) always to emphasize the especially democratic character of Soviet power as a worker-peasant power.

II. In relations with the current Peking government, one must not forget its fragility and behave in such a way as not to spoil relations with its possible successors.

III. In internal Chinese policy, to pursue a line towards the national liberation and unification of China and the creation of a single truly independent and free-democratic (Soviet?) Chinese republic. This will especially emphasize the non-imperialist character of the RSFSR.

IV. In the Mongolian question, bypassing a formal discussion of this issue with the current Peking government and postponing it until the restoration of normal diplomatic relations between the two republics (de jure!) Mongolia.

V. In relations with the political parties and groups fighting within China, show maximum energy by establishing relations with everyone, but especially by supporting the Chinese National Unification Party (Sung Yang Tsen); at the same time to establish economic relations with China and commercial and industrial circles.

VI. However, support the Chinese Communist Party even more, not being afraid of its open proximity to the Embassy. Despite the weakness of this party, it must be considered necessary for its complete independence, and the attempts of some agents of the Executive Committee of the Comintern to merge this party organizationally with the party of Sung Yang Tzen are completely wrong .

VII. Bearing in mind that China is the hub of world imperialist intrigues and, undoubtedly, the probable cause of a future imperialist world war (if such a thing nevertheless takes place), pursue a policy there for further disintegration of the imperialist world and quarrel between the imperialist states among themselves, with no one of them, not linking their policy, but maneuvering between all.

VIII. Considering, however, the necessity of compromises in this epoch for the RSFSR, to use the stay in China in order to bring the RSFSR closer to the United States of North America, recognizing that it is precisely the latter that are the most important and desirable counterparty for the RSFSR in the epoch of forced cooperation between the Soviet Republics and the bourgeois states.

NOTE: It is extremely important for the East that Soviet Representatives in all their behavior and even appearance should be completely different from bourgeois diplomats, because, it seems to me, the mere fact that Soviet diplomats, at least in dress, do not differ from others, immediately puts them in the eyes of the broad masses in the camp of "Europeans", which is there a synonym for oppressors. However, a complete rejection of all forms of politeness required by international custom, both in matters of general behavior and in the issue of dress code, is impossible, first of all, because in diplomatic life, non-observance of any of these subtleties is always understood also diplomatically, i.e. ., if, for example, the Soviet representative does not appear at the banquet or does not appear in the proper clothes, then this will not be understood as an expression of the democratic nature of his behavior, but as a special demonstration of dissatisfaction with the given government at the moment, or in general disregard for this particular government; especially since the Soviet representatives in Europe up to this [time] have always observed all the little things and, more than once, diplomatically used them.

Therefore, if the Central Executive Committee agreed that a more radical implementation of democracy was necessary for the East, a special decree of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee (or instruction) would be needed, emphasizing the obligation of the strictest democracy for Soviet representatives and forbidding the latter to use any other form of clothing, except for an ordinary jacket suit. and a simple headgear (the uniform established by the war for the military) 2 .

A. Ioffe.

Smolny.

22/VII 1922

RTSKHIDNI. F. 5. Op. 2. D. 205. L. 14-16. Typewritten text. Signature, date - autograph.

Notes:

1 On the relationship of the RCP(b) with the Kuomintang and the Communist Party of China, see: VKP(b), Comintern and the National Revolutionary Movement in China. Documents 1920-1925 M., 1994.

On November 16, 1922, the Politburo instructed the People's Commissariat for Foreign Affairs "to develop a brief, more simplified Soviet etiquette, in particular, for receiving ambassadors: both Eastern and Western, in all cases without lunch, breakfast, dinner, tea, etc." (RTSKHIDNI. F. 17. Op. 3. D. 322. L. 2).