The Right Danger In The Comintern

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The Right Danger In The Comintern
From "The Communist, Volume 7, December 1928


The Leninist line of the Communist International and its sections is forged in the fire of struggle--not only struggle against capitalism and its open agents, the social-democracy, but struggle within the Parties themselves against every form of deviation from a Leninist line. 
These deviations are an expression, usually unconscious to be sure, of the pressure of other classes, their ideology, policies and interests, upon the party of the working class. They can be broadly classified as right or "left'' deviations from a Leninist line. (We put the term "left" in quotation marks because there is no position truly to the left of Leninism, which is the quintessence of revolutionary theory and practice under all circumstances). Whether one departs from Leninism to the right or to the "left" he cannot travel far without landing in the camp of the enemy. Extend both lines of deviation any distance and they coincide. 
Those who do not grasp the dialectic relation between right and "left" errors, nor the causes that make parties more liable at one time to make errors of an opportunist and at another of a "leftist" nriety, conceive this question as to which is the main danger in a very mechanical manner. Observing that the main .fire of the Comintern and the Party is directed at one time against the right and at another against the "left," they come to the conclusion that it is a matter of fashions or waves, that the Comintern gets tired of .fighting the "left" and diverts itself by a new "game," a fight against the right. As if the revolutionary movement were a society belle who gets a new dress because she's tired of the old one! Needless to say, such a view has nothing in common with Leninism. And those who hold it have no place in the communist movement. There are no fashions in the Comintern. 

There are those who hold to another stupid notion that the inner needs of the C. P. S. U. determine the actions of the other Parties. Such people believe that if the C. P. S. U. is faced with a right danger, all other Parties must mechanically fight against the right, or vice versa. Nothing can be farther from communism than this philistine viewpoint. It is an expression of the social-democratic slander of the Communist International as a "Russian International." It is a distortion and caricature of the leading role of the C. P. S. U. It expresses the social-democratic rejection of the possibility of a revolutionary International. It has no correspondence with the facts as to the working of our International, and nothing in common with Leninism. 

The policies of the Comintern at every stage are based upon an analysis of the world situation ( which tends to give a certain correspondence in the tactics of each party) and upon an analysis of the concrete conditions of each country ( which tends to give concrete differences in the tactics of each Party). For example, the same thesis of the Sixth Congress which declares that the main danger is from the right for the International as a whole, warns the Chinese Party that its main danger at the present moment comes from the "left."
The question as to which is the main danger at a given moment, right or "left'' errors, is a question of the objective conditions under which the Parties struggle in each given period and the subjective moods of the masses and the Party. 
To decide whether the main danger at any given moment is from the right or from the "left" we must analyze the period in which the Party finds itself. Leninism grasps each new period in its specifically new features, in this as in all respects. But there are people who never see anything new. One comrade declared after hearing a Sixth Congress report on the "third period;" "I was in the Socialist Party fourteen years and we never had a new period." 
When Ludwig Lore was in our Party he was forever fighting against what he dubbed our "adventurism," our, to him, annoying habit of finding new features and new periods and new situations in the swiftly moving post-war world and in rapidly changing America. Naturally, such a social-democratic attitude, expressed in the view that there is never anything new, will lead to the two anti-Leninist concepts indicated above: that the fight against right and "left" is a game or matter of fashions and that all parties mechanically follow the fashion set in Moscow. Lore advanced both these viewpoints. 

The present period is estimated by the Sixth Congress of the Com intern in the following terms:

 "The third period is the period in which the economy of capitalism and at the same time the economy of the Soviet Union surpass the pre-war level. . . For the capitalist world it is a period of rapid technical progress, of accelerated concentration in cartels and trusts, of tendencies to state capitalism, and, at the same time, a period of the strongest development of the contradictions of world economy which proceeds in forms determined by the whole previous course of the general crisis of capitalism (shrinkage of markets, Soviet Union, colonial movements, growth of the inner contradictions of capitalism). This third period, in which the antagonisms between the growth of productive forces and the restriction of markets have greatly intensified, inevitably leads to a fresh epoch of wars among the imperialist states, of wars against imperialism and imperialist intervention, of gigantic class struggles. 
 "This period, in which all International antagonisms (antagonisms between the capitalist countries and the Soviet Union, the military occupation of northern China as the beginning of the dismember-ment of China, and the conflicts among the imperialists, etc.) become more acute, in which the inner contradictions in the capitalist coun-tries are intensified ( the process of radicalization among the work-ing masses, the intensification of class war, in which movements in the colonies are released: China, India, Egypt, Syria) leads inevitably to a further development of the contradictions of capitalist stabilization, to a subsequent shaking of this stabilization and to a sharp intensification of the general crisis of capitalism."

This analysis, in fact, the whole work of the Sixth Congress on every question, leads to the same conclusion-that the war dan-ger is the decisive factor in the present situation. The keynote of the Congress to the various sections of the Comintern may be summed up as follows: We are in a war period. Prepare the Parties for war_ 
In such a situation an underestimation of the war danger, and a consequent inadequate struggle against war, is the main danger for the proletariat and its communist vanguard. 
Every question of daily policy, of tactics, of organization, was subordinated by the Sixth World Congress to the question of the war danger and the struggle against war. Class struggle in a war period takes on an unparalleled sharpness. To the master class of the home country, it is treason. Its logical culmination is civil war. 
A war period subjects the sections of the Comintern to the high-est test to which they can be subjected. The Parties must be steeled for such struggles. Any failure to grasp the new period, any under-estimation of the war danger, any failure to struggle against it, any reluctance to adapt the Party to the new period in organization and in policies, any resistance to a self-critical examination of weakness which must be eliminated, any tendency to blur or con-fuse the class line of the Party, to underestimate the enemy, open and covert, any tendency to excessive legalism when the very conditions of struggle make illegal activities indispensable, to passivity when the objective conditions require and make possible the greatest activity, to indiscipline and disunity when discipline and unity are essential, to capitulation before difficulties when the revolutionary will of the Party and the working class must rise to fresh heights -any such tendencies hinder the Party's preparation for the gigantic battles ·it faces, and paralyze its capacity to meet the tasks that the period places before it. But a mere mention of these "dangers" shows that in such a situation the right is the main danger. 
If we generalize a number of recent errors and deviations of the various Parties and ask ourselves what tendency they show, we come to the same conclusion that the right danger is the main dan-ger. It reveals right errors and right tendencies in a whole row of Parties including even the Bolshevik Communist Party of the Soviet Union. 

If we ask ourselves: How is this possible? What are the roots of such errors in our revolutionary Parties? Whence do they come into our Parties? We must answer that the roots of these errors and tendencies are to be found: 1. In the complicated situation in which we carry on our struggle, and its uneven development; 2. In the continued duration under changed forms of the partial stabilization of capitalism; 3. In the consequent strength of reform-ism in the ranks of the working class, and the repeated penetration of its influence even into the ranks of the Parties; 4. In the lack of revolutionary experience, of test in the fire of struggle, of many of our Parties; 5. In the low level of their revolutionary theory; 6. In the insufficiently proletarian composition and insufficient organizational roots in basic industry of many of the sections. 
Formerly Trotskyism represented the main danger on a world scale in the ranks of the Comintern. But in most of the sections (especially C. P. S. U., Germany, France and to a lesser extent Czechoslovakia) Trotskyism has been shattered and the Trotsky opposition has gone over in all basic questions to the viewpoint of the social-democracy and taken on an openly counter-revolutionary character, thus showing the frankly opportunistic and counter-revolutionary content that was veiled behind their "left" phrases. This expulsion and degeneration of the Trotsky opposition makes much clearer in such Parties as have "settled" with Trotskyism the fact that the chief danger within the ranks of the Parties is the right danger in its openly opportunistic form. 

In America, certain factors in the objective situation have made a new outbreak of Trotskyism possible. The Declaration of the C. E. C. on "The Struggle Against Trotskyism and the Right Danger" defines the basis for the recurrence of Trotskyism in America as follows:
 "The strength of American imperialism, the contradictions of the simultaneous development of reformism and the radicalization of certain sections of the working class tend to create confusion in some sections of our Party. The uneven tempo of the radicalization of the unskilled masses simultaneously with the shifting of the labor aristocracy to the right, and the -divisions within the working class ( organized and unorganized, foreign-born and native, skilled and unskilled, etc.) find expression in differences of opinion and serve as a basis for groupings within our Party.  
 "We are at a turning point in the life of our Party. In the process of transition from a mere propaganda organization to a political party of action, the Party has become a leader of working-class mass activities. Some sections of the Party have been unable to adapt themselves to this sharp tum.  
 "The growing attacks against our Party • • • have had the effect of filling some members of our Party with pessimism, of making them capitulate before the growing forces of reaction. A wrong estimation of the international role of the Soviet Union, the grow-ing pressure of the imperialist power against the sole working-class state, has also had its effects. • • • •  
 "On the basis of the contradictions and difficulties of the situation, certain members have lost faith in the Party's capacity to lead, have developed a wrong attitude denying the leading role of the Party in mass organizations, have developed an erroneous attitude towards the Communist International, challenging the correctness of the Comintern, slandering the leadership of the Comintern as a right-wing leadership, and speculating on the alleged differences in the leadership of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union."
In view of the flare-up of Trotskyism within our ranks it becomes necessary for us to define the relation between the struggle against Trotskyism and the struggle against the right danger gen-erally. This the C. E. C. declaration does in the following words: 
 "In the Workers (Communist) Party- in the present situation in which Trotskyism makes its reappearance, already stripped of its left phrases, as outright opportunism-Trotskyism is an organic part of the right danger. Io our Party we must concentrate the fight against two dangers: first, the right danger, against outright opportunism and then against its Trotskyist variations, which is opportunism covered with left phrases. Both come to a head and converge into a common attack against the Party and the Comintern." 

Legality at any price, parliamentary illusions, passivity in the face of intensified oppression of the masses and their growing radicalization, the adoption of a wrong policy towards the social democracy, which is today "the agitprop department and the org.department" for imperialism in its preparation of war on the Soviet Union, inadequate internationalism, neglect of the national question and the struggle of the colonial peoples, neglect of the peasant question, failure to adapt tactics to the changing situation in the tra e unions, placing of trade-union discipline above party discipline, underestimation of the war danger and insufficient or incorrect forms of struggle against it-these are the main manifestations of the right danger in the various sections of the Comintern.

Under the proletarian dictatorship, the class struggle continues in altered form. Capitalism has been overthrown, socialism is being built, but capitalism is far from uprooted. In the existence of the small producer and unorganized market relations, in the conditions of the N. E. P. lie the possibilities of a restoration of capitalism. Even more, the conditions of the N. E. P. constantly recreate capitalist conditions and capitalist ideology in many spheres. Against these tendencies to the recreation of capitalist conditions, the proletarian state under the leadership of the Communist Party wages relentless war.· It makes headway. Now slowly, now rapidly, it drives the remnants of the capitalist system out of sphere after sphere, and, altho unevenly and with much difficulty, constructs the foundations of the new social order. Between the predominant agrarian economy and the growing industrialization, between planned production and unorganized market relations, between large-scale industry and small production, between cooperatives and individual producers, between large-scale Soviet farms and small peasant farming-a struggle goes on. On the one side is the proletariat and its allies, on the other side the capitalist elements, the Nepman, the Kulak. Behind the Nepman and Kulak stand the forces of international reaction. Behind the workers of the Soviet Union, the workers of the world. 

The difficulties of socialist construction in a country where the peasant and petty producer play such a large role, are obvious. "As long as we live in a petit-bourgeois country, capitalism has in Russia a stronger economic basis than communism," Lenin wrote ....
 "Only then when the country is electrified, and when industry, agriculture, and transport are completely on the basis of the great industries of the present age, only then shall we have gained a definite victory." 
Under these circumstances first appeared as the main danger the "left" errors of Trotskyism. Terrified by the difficulties,overestimating the forces of the enemy, underestimating the possibilities of constructing socialism in the Soviet Union, the Trotsky opposition developed projects for super-industrialization at the expense of agriculture, a tax and price policy which would have broken the alliance between proletariat and peasantry, a theoretical estimate of the role of the peasantry leading to the conclusion that such rupture and consequent uprisings were inevitable (Trotskyist "permanent revolution"), despair as to the continued existence of the proletarian dictatorship, despair as to the possibility of building socialism unless it received immediate aid from successful revolutions in the advanced countries, the theory of the inevitable de-generation of the Party and the state unless such aid came speedily, and finally an estimate of the Party and state as already in full degeneration (Thermidor) and of the necessity of an open struggle against state and Party and Comintern ( conditional defense, underground conspiracy, etc.), whereby the Trotsky opposition landed full in the camp of the counter-revolution, thereby proving the correctness of the estimate of the Comintern and the C. P. S. U. that Trotskyism, for all its "left" phrases was a social-democratic deviation. A victory of Trotskyism would have led to the restoration of capitalism. While such tendencies still exist, they have been pretty well shattered. 

Deviations are usually "born twins." The opposite pole of re-action to the difficulties of socialist construction is the right, openly opportunistic deviation from a Leninist line. It underestimates the strength of the enemy, it underestimates the danger of capitalist restoration, it fails to grasp the nature of the class struggle under the proletarian dictatorship, wants to slow down the tempo of industrialization, expresses the pressure of the petit-bourgeois and peasant ideology in the form of propositions to yield along the whole line:. develop agriculture at the expense of industry, soften the struggle against Kulak and Nepman, weaken the foreign trade monopoly, slow up or abandon the building of Soviet state farms and collective large-scale agriculture. The victory of the right tendencies would also pave the way for the restoration of capitalism by strengthening the capitalist tendencies and weakening the socialist tendencies in Soviet economy. 

Indirect expressions of the right danger are to be found in the form of an underestimation of the danger itself, in resistance to self-criticism, in abstract remarks about the right danger in general in place of concrete analysis of actual errors and deviations, in bureaucratic inertia or resistance to the execution of the new policies and decisions of the Fifteenth Party Convention, in a tendency to adopt a conciliatory attitude toward errors and elements expressing the right danger. 
Open and indirect expressions of the right danger showed themselves in the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in various places-in the lower organizations in the villages ( during the grain collection crisis), in the Soviet and cooperative apparatus in district committees, conciliatory tendencies even in the Moscow District Committee and in the Central Committee itself, where some slight tendencies of a conciliatory attitude toward the right danger were manifested at the July Plenum. There were, however, no right tendencies or conciliatory attitude toward the right danger in the Political Committee as was rumored by oppositionists, and "clements who face the Party with anything but good intentions." 
The Moscow Committee has adopted the measures necessary to correct such conciliatory tendencies as manifestcd thcmselves, with the help of the district functionaries and the Central Committee. The Party as a whole has had its attention thoroughly concentrated on the danger from the right and will overcome it just as it over-came and liquidated the Trotsky danger. And as in the former case it will have the support of the brother Parties. 

The Czechoslovakian Party in many ways presents a classic ex-ample of right dangers in the present period. The situation in Czechoslovakia is characterized by a great growth in monopoly, a growth in· rationalization, a drive for foreign markets, and prepa-ration for war on the Soviet Union. This is accompanied by a sharpening state pressure on the working class, abandonment of democratic pretenses and bourgeois freedoms, growing censorship and moves towards outlawing the Party and the mass organizations led by the communists. There 'is a leftward movement among the masses of both workers and peasants, accompanied by a simultaneous movement to the right of the reformists and a growth· of fascism. The Party failed to comprehend the new situation, remained inactive and failed to lead the masses in struggle. The Czech Party is a mass Party-the third largest in the International. Although it proved capable of rallying the masses in the relatively peaceful period that preceded, it proved unequal to the task of adapting its organization and methods of struggle to the new period and lost contact with and the ·confidence 'of the masses. It is a Party that came over en masse from the old social democracy carrying over much of social-democratic tradition. It has not yet been tested in the fire of sharp struggles, nor suffered the open dictatorship of the bourgeoisie. Under the growing attacks it manifested excessive legalism, underestimated the danger of suppression, some elements attempting to lessen the attack by weakening the revolutionary char-acter of its activities. Neither was sufficient illegal activity carried on nor was there an energetic enough struggle against being driven into illegality. The Party underestimated the war danger, failed to struggle sufficiently against it, failed to lead economic struggles against worsening conditions of the workers, remained passive in the face of peasant discontent, neglected the national question, and some elements developed the fatalistic theory that nothing can be done because the "masses are not ready to fight." Finally, an internal crisis was precipitated by the failure of a so-called "Red Day" in which the Party demonstrated its unpreparedness for struggle and how far it had lost contact with the masses. 
The World Congress in consultation with the Czech delegation took the matter energetically in hand and addressed an open letter to the Party calculated to cause a prolonged and self-critical dis-cussion, a thorough "shake-up," a change in the Party life from top to bottom, a change even in the composition of the Party by the recruiting of young revolutionary workers, the raising of its ideo-logical level, a thorough reorganization, and a transition from opportunist passivity to Bolshevist activity. The discussion will last over three months and end with a convention and new election of all leading bodies from top to bottom. 

The social democracy throughout the world today is playing the role of the watch dog of imperialism, the splitter of the labor movement, the apostle of class collaboration, the advance agent of the Kellogg Pact and the League of Nations, the war salesman for imperialism, the inciter of war on the Soviet Union. The so-called "left" leadership in the social democracy is especially dangerous today when the masses are moving to the left and it plays the role of fooling those whom the openly right leaders can no longer fool. 
Recognizing this situation, the Ninth Plenum of the E. C. C. I. instructed the French Communist, Party to change its line toward the social-democracy in France and the British Party to change its line towards the Labor Party, which has become, in all important respects, an ordinary social-democratic party. For the French Party it issued the slogan "Class against Class" for the election campaign and in Britain the tactic of independent communist candidacies against the Labor Party. The World Congress confirmed this new line of more energetic .fight against the leadership of the social democracy and directed its intensification and extension to other parties and to every .field of struggle. 

In France right tendencies manifested themselves in a certain opposition to the new line, in parliamentary illusions, in an under-estimation of the traitorous role of the "left" social democrats. The Congress took sharp measures to combat these tendencies, even re-organizing the political committee. 
In Great Britain the right danger takes a similar form.
In Germany also there is manifest among some elements a cer-tain underestimation of the traitorous role of the "le£ t" social de-mocracy. To this must he added the advancing of such social-demo-cratic slogans as "control of production" ( as a slogan of action under capitalism), resistance to the decisions of the IV Congress of the R. I. L. U ., putting the discipline of the trade unions above that of the Party, insufficient struggle against the trade-union tactics of the reformists, an attempt at a new crystallization of the right elements in the Party (Brandler) and a tolerance of the right errors and groupings (Ewert-Gerhard),-a conciliation tendency. These tendencies are particularly dangerous in a country where the social democracy still has a strong influence over the masses, and the Com-intern is giving most energetic support to the leadership of the German Party in its efforts to .fight the right danger. 

The right danger in the American Party assumes the fallowing forms: 
1. A wrong attitude towards the Socialist Party. This mani-fested itself particularly in the transition period when the Party was moving towards a new line on the S. P. but had not yet fully made the change. It showed itself in the Panken case, in the open letter to the National Committee of the S. P ., in the proposed letter to the socialist administration in Reading drafted by local com-rades, approved by a member of the C. E. C. but rejected by the C. E. C. Even before the World Congress our May Plenum exercised self-criticism of these errors, but since the Congress, the California District has addressed a new open letter with united-front-from-above characteristics to the S. P. show-ing ·that the same tendencies still exist in that district. The C. E. C. was unanimous in its criticism. Nevertheless the California District Organizer actually addressed a letter to its units defending the errors. In general, the California District presents the right danger in its sharpest form and has made more opportunistic errors than all other districts put together. The action of the D. 0. indi-cates a conscious opportunist line that resists correction. 
2. Wrong attitude towards the Labor Party. Errors were made in articles 'in. which illusions were developed as to the possi-bilities of the Labor Party, a role ascribed to it that only a Commu-nist Party can perform, etc. Even C. E. C. members wrote such articles. In Minnesota there was resistance to fighting Shipstead, a tendency to put the discipline of the so-called Farmer-Labor Party above that of the Communist Party, actual liquidation tendencies. 

3. Insufficient energy in organizing the unorganized. Remnants of craft ideology in the needle trades. Slowness in entering the min-ing campaign ( criticized by the February and May Plenums). Hesitancy on the part of some comrades on the question of the need of organization of a new textile union. Simultaneously a tendency on the part of some comrades to slacken or abandon altogether the work in the old trade unions. 

4. Underestimation of Negro work. Remnants of white chauvinism. 
5. Lack of faith in the Party. The C. E. C. declaration on Trotskyism and the right danger scores a "tendency to belittle the activities of the Party, an attitude of skepticism and cynicism, a con-ception that the Party is a brake on the revolutionary activities of the masses. There is a strong feeling against the Party assuming the leadership in mass organizations ( the attitude of Sulkanen and Askeli in the Finnish clubs) and resistance to showing the face of the Party in mass organizations ( attitude of some comrades in the Negro Labor Congress)." 
6. Capitulation before difficulties. Some comrades become pessimistic in the face of the great difficulties facing our Party. They overestimate the difficulties. They underestimate the opportunities for work and the role of the Party. "The Party is doing too much," they declare. "In the present period it should limit itself to simple tasks and be a mere educational organization." 
Some needle trades comrades showed a tendency to give up the long fight in that industry. The California District Committee capitulated before the difficulties of getting the Party on the ballot in that state. 
As the obverse of this tendency to capitulate before difficulties there is the tendency to juggle the difficulties away with left phrases instead of analyzing and meeting them. To underestimate the strength of the enemy is to underestimate the nature of the struggle we must wage. 
7. Insufficient proletarianization. Lack of emphasis on shop nu-clei and factory work ( especially in California where some elements. even deny the existence of industry and of opportunities for struggle, where there is only one shop nucleus in the district and that not functioning, where only forty per cent of the membership are workers in industry. The same is true in Denver and to a lesser ex-tent in Buffalo and in the state of Connecticut). Insufficient energy in drawing proletarian elements from the factories into leadership. 
8. Pacifism and an underestimation of the war danger. The work of our fraction in the Anti-Imperialist League has been characterized by a whole series of pacifist errors as has the work of the California District ("Stop the Flow of Blood," "Join the Nicaraguan Red Cross," the instruction to Washington demonstrators to plead guilty, etc., and in California the "welcome to the .fleet" bulletin against learning how to use a gun, etc. An excess of dependence on petit-bourgeois liberals in anti-imperialist work. In general the whole Party has shown insufficient energy in fighting American imperialism. The trade-union work has been lacking in this re-pct also. There has been insufficient contact with the Parties of the Latin-American countries. Some leading comrades have shown an underestimation of the war danger by denying the primacy of the outer contradictions of the imperialist powers in the present period. 
9. Wrong attitude towards the Communist International. On this the C. E. C. declaration says:
 "This is one of the worst manifestations of the right-wing danger in our Party.. On the part of some comrades there is a tendency to accept the C. I. decisions only with reservations. The tendency to attack the leadership of the C. I. as a right-wing leadership, to attack the C. E. C. of the C. P. S. U ., to speculate on alleged differences within the leading group of the Russian Party, under-mining thereby the prestige of the leadership of the C. I. (Cannon). The substitution for the Leninist conception of the Communist Party of the theory of permanent factionalism."
10. Trotskyism. On this the declaration states in part:
 "Trotskyism, in its last stage of development, is the summing up, is the unifying force of all these opportunistic right dangers."
l have followed fairly closely in this analysis the declaration of the C. E. C. several times quoted above. In another place I shall return to the question of right dangers in the American Party. This article can best be brought to a close by the quotation of a part of the closing section of the C. E. C. declaration:
 "The right danger in the American Party is especially great, because our Party has not yet gone through a really revolutionary situation. It has had no chance to go through the ordeal of :fire. But we can feel confident-on the basis of our experiences during the attack of the government in 1919-20, when the Party was driven underground-that the core of the Party and its leadership are sound and will, with the help of the Comintern, smash the right danger.
 "The following basic tasks confront us in connection with the , lecurrencc of Trotsk.yism and the right danger in the Party:  
 1. No tolerance of Trotsky ism in the ranks of the Party. We .-all upon all District Executive Committee.s and all subdivisions of the Party to expel all followers of Trotsky.  
 2. The C. E. C. will wage a broad, thoro, ideological campaign against Trotskyism.  
 3. A broad ideological campaign is necessary against all other manifestations of the right danger and against the slightest tolcrance of the right danger in the Party. Uncompromising struggle against the Socialist Party; clear attitude towards the leading role of the Communist Party; non-hesitant struggle for the organization of the unorganized and for new unions; exposures of white chauvinism in our ranks; concentration on factories; drawing of proletarian elements into the leadership of the Party; fight against underestimation of the war danger and pacifist illusions. ThCK are the major tasks confronting us in fighting the right danger.  
 4. Energetic defense of the C. I. and unreserved acceptance of all its decisions 
 5. The frankest, most thoro self-criticism is necessary from the top to the bottom in the Party.  
 6. Merciless struggle against any manifestation of bureaucratism in the Party." 
An absolute prerequisite for a successful fight against the right danger, whether it comes in the form of open opportunism or camouflaged with left phrases in the form of Trotskyism, is the unity of all communist forces under the leadership of the C. E. C. for the line of the Communist International.

From "The Communist, Volume 7, December 1928