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  Lenin and Stalin - ON REVOLUTIONARY SITUATION

Collected writings from Lenin and Stalin researched and compiled for various articles on the subject.

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Introduction
 

“It is the ABC of Marxism that the tactics of the socialist proletariat cannot be the same both when there is a revolutionary situation and when there is no revolutionary situation.” Lenin, Page 227
 

As in general, determining the path of revolution in particular constitutes important and decisive factors in the formation of the political line of the revolutionary party. Marxist-Leninist party or organization cannot play an important role in the development of the proletariat and the revolutionary struggle of the people without a clear strategic line, because the correct tactics can be defined and applied to life on the basis of strategic line.

 

The strategic line essentially identifies key contradictions in a concrete process. While drawing the strategic line of the party, or organization, it decides its specific goals and strategic tasks depending on the general, determines the main enemy and driving forces of the revolution and the internal and external allies of the working class in particular. Therefore, the strategy refers to the path of the revolution, that is, the nature of the struggle to radically transform the existing social conditions, to undertake the task of eliminating capitalist exploitation and building socialism. As Stalin defines; “Strategy deals with the main forces of the revolution and their reserves. It changes with the passing of the revolution from one stage to another but remains basically unchanged throughout a given stage.” Stalin, Page 263
 

Tactics consist of determining the tools to be used to advance towards strategic goals, the forms of organization to be adopted and the struggle to overcome problems in each given specific conditions. As Stalin defines; “Tactics deal with the forms of struggle and the forms of organization of the proletariat, with their changes and combinations. During a given stage of the revolution tactics may change several times, depending on the flow or ebb, the rise or decline, of the revolution.” Stalin, Page 263
 

In particular, the assessment of “revolutionary situation” is the mother of all assessments. Every form and tactics related to the revolutionary struggle in a given concrete situation is determined by the assessment of the “Revolutionary Situation” - the existing objective and subjective conditions - at that given time, not by abstract slogans learned by rote to serve the petty bourgeois inclinations. “If we are to remain true to Marxism” says Lenin, “we cannot and should not try, by resorting to generalities, to shirk the task of analyzing the objective conditions; for, in the last analysis, the appraisal of these conditions provides the final answer to the questions.” Lenin, Page 47
 

It is a common habit of vacillating petty bourgeois in general and variations of Trotskyism in particular to call on people to revolution where there is no revolutionary situation, and to reject uprising where there is revolutionary situation. Turkey, where once was a castle of Stalinists with full of active struggle and following where Trotskyism and its open and hidden variations mushroomed after 1990s serves as a concrete example to this habit. Trots and variations are calling for “socialist revolution” in order to topple the religious autocracy based on the factual argument that the parliament is not active and that alone constitutes the existence of “revolutionary situation”.
 

Contrary to Trotskyites and its variations’ claim, Lenin states;
 

“We must not appraise the revolutionary situation in the country from the standpoint of what goes on in the Duma. On the contrary, we must appraise questions and incidents that arise in the Duma from the standpoint of the revolutionary situation in the country.” Lenin, [14]
 

One does not have to be a scholar of Marxism Leninism in order to respond to the question of “What could be the “Revolutionary Situation “ in a country where over % 99 of the population have deep illusion of parliamentarism, over % 50 of it is not only reactionary but actively counter revolutionary, % 25+- of the remaining is mainly interested in “bourgeois democratic rights” related to themselves, most of the rest believe in “parliamentary road to socialism”, and there is no strong ML Party embracing the large masses. These are the objective and subjective conditions at this given concrete conditions which constitutes the non-existence of revolutionary situation.  As Lenin puts it;
 

“Marx’s method consists, first of all, in taking due account of the objective content of a historical process at a given moment, in definite and concrete conditions; this in order to realise, in the first place, the movement of which class is the mainspring of the progress possible in those concrete conditions.” Lenin, Page 152
 

It is not the far-left agitations, one or more existing crisis, but it is the totality of all the changes in objective and subjective conditions that constitutes a revolutionary situation. As Lenin explains; “it is neither chance nor the result of any demagogy or agitation, but the objective conditions of the crisis brought about by the war and the sharpening of class contradictions that now generate strikes, demonstrations and other similar manifestations of mass revolutionary struggle.” Lenin, [2]
 

The general crisis of capitalism, the trend of which will become steadily deeper makes us draw the general conclusion that the revolutionary situation and thus the socialist revolution is on the agenda. However, what is on the agenda in general, may or may not be in the agenda in particular, assessment for which is called “revolutionary situation”
 

What is “revolutionary situation?”
 

“To the Marxist” Lenin says,” it is indisputable that a revolution is impossible without a revolutionary situation; furthermore, it is not every revolutionary situation that leads to revolution. What, generally speaking, are the symptoms of a revolutionary situation? We shall certainly not be mistaken if we indicate the following three major symptoms:
 

 (1) when it is impossible for the ruling classes to maintain their rule without any change; when there is a crisis, in one form or another, among the “upper classes”, a crisis in the policy of the ruling class, leading to a fissure through which the discontent and indignation of the oppressed classes burst forth. For a revolution to take place, it is usually insufficient for “the lower classes not to want” to live in the old   way; it is also necessary that “the upper classes should be unable” to live in the old way;
 

(2) when the suffering and want of the oppressed classes have grown more acute than usual;
 

(3) when, as a consequence of the above causes, there is a considerable increase in the activity of the masses, who uncomplainingly allow themselves to be robbed in “peace time”, but, in turbulent times, are drawn both by all the circumstances of the crisis and by the “upper classes” themselves into independent historical action.
 

"Without these objective changes, which are independent of the will, not only of individual groups and parties but even of individual classes, a revolution, as a general rule, is impossible. The totality of all these objective changes is called a revolutionary situation.” Lenin, Collapse of 2^nd International 

 

And “without these objective changes, which are independent of the will, not only of individual groups and parties but even of individual classes, a revolution, as a general rule, is impossible. The totality of all these objective changes is called a revolutionary situation.” Lenin, Page 162 

 

Lenin stresses the fact that the “objective conditions” alone is not sufficient for the arising of  “revolutionary situation; ” it is not every revolutionary situation that gives rise to a revolution; revolution arises only out of a situation in which the above-mentioned objective changes are accompanied by a subjective change, namely, the ability of the revolutionary class to take revolutionary mass action strong enough to break (or dislocate) the old government, which never, not even in a period of crisis, “falls”, if it is not toppled over.” Lenin, Page 162
 

Apart from the Trotskyites in varying shades who hide behind far-left slogans and gamble on the future and life of laboring masses from afar, Marxist Leninists do not take the issue of Revolution and the analysis of objective and subjective conditions for the revolutionary situation lightly. As Enver Hodja well puts it;

“While adhering unwaveringly to the teachings of Marxism-Leninism on the violent revolution as a universal law, the revolutionary party of the working class is resolutely opposed to adventurism and never plays with armed insurrection. In all conditions and circumstances, it carries out an unceasing revolutionary struggle and activity in various forms, in order to prepare itself and the masses for the decisive battles in the revolution, for the overthrow of the rule of the bourgeoisie with revolutionary violence. But only when the revolutionary situation has fully matured does it put armed insurrection directly on the order of the day and take all the political, ideological, organizational and military measures to carry it through to victory.”  Enver Hodja, [1]

Lenin points the essence of tactical approach in two different situation.

 

“Today there is no revolutionary situation, the conditions that cause unrest among the masses or heighten their activities do not exist; today you are given a ballot paper—take it, learn to organise so as to use it as a weapon against your enemies, not as a means of getting cushy legislative jobs for men who cling to their parliamentary seats for fear of having to go to prison. Tomorrow your ballot paper is taken from you and you are given a rifle or a splendid and most up-to-date quick-firing gun—take this weapon of death and destruction, pay no heed to the mawkish snivelers who are afraid of war; too much still remains in the world that must be destroyed with fire and sword for the emancipation of the working class; if anger and desperation grow   among the masses, if a revolutionary situation arises, prepare to create new organisations and use these useful weapons of death and destruction against your own government and your own bourgeoisie.” Lenin, Page 162

 

In summarizing the assessment of revolutionary situation in totality – both objective and subjective conditions, Lenin says that “We must examine: firstly, the nature of the present revolutionary situation from the standpoint of the general tendencies of social, economic and political development; secondly, the political grouping of classes (and parties) in Russia today; thirdly, the basic tasks of the Social-Democratic Labour Party in this situation and with this political grouping of the social forces.” Lenin, Page 73

 

Objective conditions
 

Lenin in his response to P. Nezhdanov who charged Marx and Lenin with inconsistency, states;
 

“the connection nevertheless exists, even if it is indirect; consumption must, in the final analysis, follow production, and. if the productive forces are driving towards an unlimited growth of production, while consumption is restricted by the proletarian condition of the masses of the people, there is undoubtedly a contradiction present. This contradiction does not signify the impossibility of capitalism, but it does signify that its transformation to a higher form is a necessity: the stronger this contradiction becomes, the more developed become the objective conditions for this transformation, as well as the subjective conditions, i.e., the workers’ consciousness of this contradiction.” Lenin, [15]
 

Stating the general assessment that “the period of imperialism i.e., one in which, as all Marxists hold, the objective conditions are ripe for the collapse of capitalism, and there are masses of socialist proletarians”, he stresses in particular that “not the desires of individuals or groups, but the objective conditions of the epoch give rise to the struggle.” (Page 127) That’s why, “We must study the objective conditions .. on the basis of this objective analysis, we must separate the erroneous ideology of the different classes from the real content of the economic, changes, and determine what, on the basis of those real economic changes, is required for the development of the productive forces and for the proletarian class struggle.” (Page 78) And “when there are objective conditions for a direct revolutionary onslaught by the masses, the   Party’s supreme political task is “to serve the spontaneous movement”. To contrast such revolutionary work with “politics” is to reduce politics to chicanery. It means exalting political action in the Duma above the political action of the masses in October and December; in other words, it means abandoning the proletarian revolutionary standpoint for that of intellectualist opportunism.”( Page 190)  Because, “the employment of one or other means of struggle depends on the objective conditions of the particular crisis, economic or political, precipitated by the war, and not on any previous decision that revolutionaries may have made.” [3]. And “every form of struggle requires a corresponding technique and a corresponding apparatus. When objective conditions make the parliamentary struggle the principal form of struggle, the features of the apparatus for parliamentary struggle inevitably become more marked in the Party. When, on the other hand, objective conditions give rise to a struggle of the masses in the form of mass political strikes and uprisings, the party of the proletariat must have an “apparatus” to “serve” these forms of struggle, and, of course, this must be a special “apparatus”, not resembling the parliamentary one. An organised party of the proletariat which admitted that the conditions existed for popular uprisings and yet failed to set up the necessary apparatus would be a party of intellectualist chatterboxes; the workers would abandon it and go over to anarchism, bourgeois revolutionism, etc.” Lenin, Page 190

 

“Regardless of the will and the consciousness, the dreams and the theories, of the various individuals” says Lenin, “Marx strives in a sober, materialist manner to determine its real historical content, the consequences that must inevitably follow from it because of objective conditions.” Lenin, Marx on the American “General Redistribution” Because, “The objective conditions of social life and the class struggle are more powerful than pious intentions and written programmes.” Lenin, Page 101

 

Through concrete assessments of the existing conditions without leaving the real ground, Lenin says, “we have also learned, at least to some extent, another art that is essential in revolution, namely, flexibility, the ability to effect swift and sudden changes of tactics if changes in objective conditions demand them, and to choose another path for the achievement of our goal if the former path proves to be inexpedient or impossible at the given moment.” Lenin, Page 243

 

Weighing the importance of each conditions with the example of conversion of imperialist war into civil war, Lenin states, “One must be able to uphold the Marxist point of view, which says that this conversion of imperialist war into a civil war should be based on objective, and not subjective, conditions.” [4]

 

Subjective Conditions

The creation of the subjective conditions of the struggle for the seizure of power is related to the activities for the working class gaining revolutionary consciousness, understanding the significance of economic, political and ideological problems, and reaching certain level of revolutionary maturity and sound vanguard organization. Even the objective conditions are ripe, without the existence of subjective conditions a revolution or success of revolution is not possible.

 

“Some people think that it is enough to note the objective process of extinction of the class in power in order to launch the attack. But that is wrong” says Lenin. “In addition to this, the subjective conditions necessary for a successful attack must have been prepared. It is precisely the task of strategy and tactics skillfully and opportunely to make the preparation of the subjective conditions for attacks fit in with the objective processes of the extinction of the power of the ruling class.” Lenin, Page 39

 

“In preparing the subjective factor, as Lenin wrote in his early works, the revolutionary party of the working class, its leadership, education and Mobilization of the revolutionary masses play a decisive role. The party achieves this both by working out a correct political line, which responds to the concrete conditions and the revolutionary desires and demands of the masses, and through a colossal amount of work, involving intensive and politically well-pondered revolutionary actions, which make the proletariat and the working masses conscious of the situation in which they are living, of the oppression and exploitation, of the barbarous laws of the bourgeoisie, and the absolute necessity for the revolution as a means to overthrow the enslaving order.” Enver Hodjha, [1]

 

When objective and subjective conditions for revolutionary situation exist

 

“one of the main tasks .. in every revolutionary situation must be to arm the people and to strengthen the military organisations of the proletariat” [16], because “whether we like it or not, and in spite of all “directives”, the acute revolutionary situation is bound to convert a demonstration into a strike, a protest into a fight, a strike into an uprising.” [17] and “in order to be able to exercise this pressure from below, the proletariat must be armed—for in a revolutionary situation matters develop with exceptional rapidity to the stage of open civil war—and must be led by the Social-Democratic Party.” Lenin, Page 39

 

As Stalin notes in his reply to Sverdlov Comrades; “No hard and fast line can be drawn between a “revolutionary upsurge” and a “direct revolutionary situation.” One cannot say: “Up to this paint we have a revolutionary upsurge; beyond it, we have a leap to a direct revolutionary situation.” Only scholastics can put the question in that way. The first usually passes “imperceptibly” into the second. The task is to prepare the proletariat at once for decisive revolutionary battles, without waiting for the “onset” of what is called a direct revolutionary situation.”  Stalin, Page 290

 

As it is clear, in example of Turkey Trots’ call for a revolution by itself is meaningless not only because it totally ignores the existing objective and subjective conditions, but not calling for “arming the people” for the revolution (that may be because while they are sitting in their comfortable homes, they expect the standing Turkish “army will switch side “and carry out the revolution(see “Lenin vs Trotsky on Standing Army” ).

 

If the revolutionary situation existed to some degree, they would have been right to boycott the elections and call for revolution. As Lenin explains;
 

“By the force of circumstances, of the revolutionary situation, there will be no elections at the “election” meetings; they will be transformed into meetings for party agitation outside of and despite the elections; in other words, the result will be what is called “active boycott”.

The realities of the revolutionary and counter revolutionary situation prove, more convincingly than any number of arguments, that dreams about participating in the Duma for the purpose of fighting are futile, and that the tactics of active boycott are correct. “[5]
 

As far as them calling everyone else, including the opposition to the religious autocracy as “fascist”, and thus suggest that “Marxist Leninists cannot compromise”, it would have been correct to some degree if the revolutionary conditions were there.As Lenin explains;
 

“The communist resolution says that the revolutionary situation calls for greater homogeneity in the party. That is undeniable. The resolution of those who advocate “unity” with the reformists attempts to evade this undeniable truth, without daring to dispute it.
 

The Communist resolution says that it is a feature of the situation in Italy that the condition demanding submission to party decisions by the reformists has not been observed. That is the gist of the matter. That being so, it is not merely a mistake but a crime to allow the reformists to remain in the party at a time when the general revolutionary situation is becoming acute, and the country may even be on the eve of decisive revolutionary battles.” [6]
 

Marxist Leninists do not leave the real ground and do not set forth tactics without the concrete assessment of concrete conditions.
 

When objective and subjective conditions lack
 

Lenin, in his article “A Basic Question” gives an enlightening example; “What classes do the Russian working masses consist of? Everybody knows that they consist of workers and peasants. Which of these classes is in the majority? The peasants. Who are these peasants as far as their class position is concerned? Petty proprietors. The question arises: if the petty proprietors constitute the majority of the population and if the objective conditions for socialism are lacking, then how can the majority of the population declare in favour of socialism? Who can say anything or who says anything about establishing socialism against the will of the majority?” [7]
 

Considering the conditions in example of Turkey where neither objective nor subjective conditions exists, Trots must be proposing a socialism against the will of %99 thru military putsch.
 

When the conditions of revolutionary situation non-exists, Lenin explains the task at the given time in Russia;
 

“The present new conditions require new forms of struggle. The use of the Duma tribune is an absolute necessity. A prolonged effort to educate and organise the masses of the proletariat becomes particularly important. The combination of illegal and legal organisation raises special problems before the Party. The popularization and clarification of the experience of the revolution, which the liberals and liquidationist intellectuals are seeking to discredit, are necessary both for theoretical and practical purposes. But the tactical line of the Party—which must be able to take the new conditions into account in its methods and means of struggle—remains unchanged. The correctness of revolutionary Social-Democratic tactics, states one of the resolutions of the conference, is confirmed by the experience of the mass struggle in 1905-07. The defeat of the revolution resulting from this first campaign revealed, not that the tasks were wrong, not that the immediate aims were “utopian”, not that the methods and means were mistaken, but that the forces were insufficiently prepared, that the revolutionary crisis was insufficiently wide and deep… Let the liberals and terrified intellectuals lose heart after the first genuinely mass battle for freedom, let them repeat like cowards: don’t go where you have been beaten before, don’t tread that fatal path again. The class-conscious proletariat will answer them: the great wars in history, the great problems of revolutions, were solved only by the advanced classes returning to the attack again and again—and they achieved victory after having learned the lessons of defeat. Defeated armies learn well. The revolutionary classes of Russia have been defeated in their first campaign, but the revolutionary situation remains. In new forms and by other ways, sometimes much more slowly than we would wish, the revolutionary crisis is approaching, coming to a head again. We must carry on with the lengthy work of preparing larger masses for that crisis; this preparation must be more serious, taking account of higher and more concrete tasks; and the more successfully we do this work, the more certain will be our victory in the new struggle.” [8]
 

Wars can be a trigger for the intensification of objective and subjective conditions. An imperialist war, “among the Great Powers.. is creating a revolutionary situation, is engendering revolutionary sentiments and unrest in the masses”, Lenin, The Draft Resolution of the Left Wing at Zimmerwald “the war itself has begun to teach, and is teaching, the masses the lesson of revolution, by creating a revolutionary situation and by expanding and deepening it.” [10]
 

The importance of waging struggle for the creation of subjective conditions is that due to the nature of capitalism objective conditions could rise unexpectedly, and without the existence of subjective conditions, bourgeoisie will be able to stop the spontaneous uprisings either by force or by giving some concessions.  In the case of Russian example, Lenin comments; “A revolutionary situation was maturing in the country and the tsarist government, preferring to free the peasants “from above” rather than wait till they took action “from below,” was preparing for the abolition of serfdom (the so-called Peasant Reform).” [11].
 

Assessing the revolutionary situation in any given time, “history” says Lenin, “is not to be convinced by speeches, …we see that to play with words and wave a cardboard sword is useless.” [12]
 

The tactics in both conditions determined with the interests of the laboring masses and their struggle in mind, that’s to say, revolutionary in context subordinated to socialist tasks. That’s why, “It is far more difficult—and far more precious—to be a revolutionary when the conditions for direct, open, really mass and really revolutionary struggle do not yet exist, to be able to champion the interests of the revolution (by propaganda, agitation and organisation) in non-revolutionary bodies, and quite often in downright reactionary bodies, in a non-revolutionary situation, among the masses who are incapable of immediately appreciating the need for revolutionary methods of action.” [13]

 

When there are no objective or subjective conditions for revolution

 

It is no coincidence that Lenin’s assessments at each phase of revolution for the tactics differ and seems contradictory to those who lack the application of Marxist dialectics in connection with the revolutionary situation. Let’s read Stalin in reference to the importance of the creation of subjective conditions:

“The first period was the period of formation, of the creation of our Party. It embraces the interval of time approximately from the foundation of Iskra to the Third Party Congress inclusively (end of 1900 to beginning of 1905).

In this period the Party, as a driving force, was weak. It was weak not only because it itself was young, but also because the working-class movement as a whole was young and because the revolutionary situation, the revolutionary movement, was lacking, or little developed, particularly in the initial stages of this period (the peasantry was silent or did not go beyond sullen murmuring; the workers conducted only partial economic strikes or political strikes covering a whole town; the forms of the movement were of an underground or semi-legal character; the forms of working-class organisation were also mainly of an underground character).

The Party's strategy—since strategy presupposes the existence of reserves and the possibility of maneuvering with them—was necessarily narrow and restricted. The Party confined itself to mapping the movement's strategic plan, i.e., the route that the movement should take; and the Party's reserves—the contradictions within the camp of the enemies inside and outside of Russia—remained unused, or almost unused, owing to the weakness of the Party.

The Party ‘s tactics, since tactics presuppose the utilisation of all forms of the movement, forms of proletarian organisation, their combination and mutual supplementation, etc., with the object of winning the masses and ensuring strategic success, were also necessarily narrow and without scope.

 

In this period the Party focused its attention and care upon the Party itself, upon its own existence and preservation. At this stage it regarded itself as a kind of self-sufficing force. That was natural: tsarism's fierce attacks upon the Party, and the Mensheviks' efforts to blow it up from within and to replace the Party cadres with an amorphous, non-Party body... threatened the Party's very existence and, as a consequence, the question of preserving the Party acquired paramount importance in this period.
 

The principal task of communism in Russia in that period was to recruit into the Party the best elements of the working class, those who were most active and most devoted to the cause of the proletariat; to form the ranks of the proletarian party and to put it firmly on its feet. Comrade Lenin formulates this task as follows: "to win the vanguard of the proletariat to the side of communism" (see "Left-Wing" Communism.). “Stalin, Page 279
 

And Lenin; “Even in peacetime, when there is no revolutionary situation, the mass struggle of the workers against the capitalists—for instance, the mass strike—gives rise to great bitterness on both sides, to fierce passions in the struggle, the bourgeoisie constantly insisting that they remain and mean to remain “masters in their own house”, etc. “
 

“And in time of revolution, when political life reaches boiling point, an organisation like the Soviets, which embraces all the workers in all branches of industry, all the soldiers, and all the working and poorest sections of the rural population—such an organisation, of its own accord, with the development of the struggle, by the simple “logic” of attack and defense, comes inevitably to pose the question point-blank. The attempt to take up a middle position and to “reconcile” the proletariat with the bourgeoisie is sheer stupidity and doomed to miserable failure.” Lenin, Page 227

 

Conclusion

 

Determining the path of revolution in particular constitutes decisive factors in the formation of the political line of the revolutionary party and its strategic line. The strategic line identifies key contradictions in a concrete process which remains basically unchanged throughout a given stage. Tactics to be used to advance towards these strategic goal changes in each given specific conditions. In order to determine the correct tactics for the strategy in the path of revolution, assessment of each concrete situation is made - not the assessment of each specific issue by itself but with its dialectic connections to other issues. As Lenin explains, assessment “like every other political question, must be considered by Marxists concretely and not abstractly, taking into account the entire revolutionary situation as a whole,” Lenin, Page 83
 

Assessment for a call to revolution -maximum program - requires the existence of both objective and subjective conditions for it. When there is no revolutionary condition struggle is for -minimal program- the creation of subjective conditions and thus intensifying the objective conditions. As Lenin clearly explains; “by making implementation of the minimum program provisional revolutionary government’s task eliminates the absurd, semi-anarchist ideas about giving immediate effect to the maximum program, and the conquest of power for a socialist revolution. The degree of economic development .. (an objective condition) and the degree of class consciousness and organisation of the broad masses of the proletariat (a subjective condition inseparably connected with the objective condition) make the immediate complete emancipation of the working class impossible.” Lenin, Page 39
 

Confronting the democratic tasks and tactics for it when there is no “revolutionary situation” with calls for “revolution” is typical to Trotskyites to hide behind far-left mask and do nothing. Same Trots deny the proletarian alliance with the poor peasantry where peasantry still significant, and yet declare the peasantry “vanguard” of revolution where proletariat is significant. Unfortunately, despite the fact that their counter-revolutionary mask has been exposed, they still influence the petty bourgeois and likewise far-left organizations’ approaches.
 

Marxist Leninists believe in the concrete assessment of every concrete situation, without leaving the factual ground in order to determine the tactics to be employed at a given situation. The assessment of “revolutionary situation” is the mother of all assessment to which every assessment has to be connected. Every assessment proceeds from the concrete assessment of existing objective and subjective conditions.
 

As both Marx and Lenin summarizes, regardless of the will and the consciousness, the dreams and the theories of the various individuals, the consequences follow from the objective conditions, because, the objective conditions of social life and the class struggle are more powerful than pious intentions and written programmes. The degree of class consciousness and organisation of the broad masses of the proletariat that makes up the subjective condition is inseparably connected with the objective condition, and only their totality becomes decisive in the success of a revolution.
 

August 2020

Summary of various article on the subject written in Turkish during the last four years. E.A

 

Contents
 

Introduction - Page 4

Lenin, The Third Congress, May 1905 - Page 22

Lenin, On the Provisional Revolutionary Government, June 1905 – Page 30

Lenin, Two Tactics of Social-Democracy in the Democratic Revolution, July 1905 – Page 39

Lenin, The Russian Revolution and the Tasks of the Proletariat March 1906 – Page 47

Lenin, Report on the Unity Congress of the R.S.D.L.P, A Letter to the St. Petersburg Workers, May 1906 – Page 59

Lenin, The Workers’ Group in the State Duma, May 1906 – Page 68

Lenin, The Platform of Revolutionary Social-Democracy, March 1907 – Page 73

Lenin, The Agrarian Programme of Social-Democracy in the First Russian Revolution, 1905-1907, December 1907 – Page 78

Lenin, Two Letters, November 1908 – Page 83

Lenin, How the Socialist-Revolutionaries Sum Up the Revolution and How the Revolution has Summed Them Up January 1909 – Page 101

Lenin, Two Worlds, November 1910 – Page 117

Lenin, To the Russian Collegium of the C.C February 1911 -Page 127

Lenin, The Platform of the Reformists and the Platform of the Revolutionary Social-Democrats, November 1912 – Page130

Lenin, May Day Action by the Revolutionary Proletariat, June 1913- Page 141

Lenin, Under a False Flag, February 1915 – Page 152

Lenin, May day and the war, April 1915 - Page 160

Lenin, The Collapse of the Second International, June 1915 – Page 162

Lenin, Opportunism, and the Collapse of the Second International, December 1915 – Page 174

Lenin, The Crisis of Menshevism, December 1906 – Page 190

Lenin, Wilhelm Kolb 6 George Plekhanov, February 29, 1916 – Page 216

Lenin, Marxism and Insurrection, A Letter to the Central Committee of the R.S.D.L.P.(B.), September 1917 – Page 218

Lenin, Afterword to The Theses on The Question Of The Immediate Conclusion Of A Separate And Annexationist Peace, January 1918 – Page 225

Lenin, The Proletarian Revolution and the Renegade Kautsky, November 1918 – Page 227

Lenin, Fourth Anniversary of the October Revolution, October 1921 – Page 243

Lenin, Bourgeois Pacifism and Socialist Pacifism, January 1, 1923 – Page 253

Lenin, Our Revolution, (Apropos of N. Sukhanov's Notes), January 1923 – Page 258

Stalin, The Foundations of Leninism, 1924 – Page 263

Stalin, The Party Before &After Taking Power, August 1921 – Page 279

Stalin, Reply to the Sverdlov Comrades, February 10, 1930 – Page 290

 

Quotes;

[1]   Enver Hodja, Imperialism and revolution

[2]   Lenin, The Second International Socialist Conference at Kienthal

[3]   Lenin, The International Socialist Congress in Stuttgart.

[4]   Lenin, The Seventh (April) All-Russia Conference of the R.S.D.L.P.(B.)

[5]   Lenin, The State Duma and Social-Democratic Tactics

[6]   Lenin, On the Struggle of the Italian Socialist Party

[7]   Lenin, A Basic Question

[8]   Lenin, On the Road

[9]   Lenin, The Draft Resolution of the Left Wing at Zimmerwald

[10]   Lenin, The Voice of an Honest French Socialist

[11]    Lenin, Remarks on Books: G. V. Plekhanov.

[12]    Lenin, Extraordinary Fourth All-Russia Congress of Soviets,

[13]    Lenin, “Left-Wing” Communism: an Infantile Disorder

[14]    Lenin, The Workers’ Group in the State Duma

[15]    Lenin, Reply to Mr. P. Nezhdanov

[16]   Lenin, A Tactical Platform for the Unity Congress of the R.S.D.L.P.

 

[17]   Lenin, The Dissolution of the Duma and the Tasks of the Proletariat