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Bolshevik leadership Correspondence. 1912-1927
Collection of documents 1996.
Compiled by: A.V.Kvashonkin, L.P.Kosheleva, L.A.Rogovaya, O.V.Khlevnyuk.
No. 6
V. A. Karpinsky - V. I. Lenin
April 5, 1917
Dear comrades! I am sending you the first proclamation of the SRD printed here; Your ruling.
Yesterday, at a crowded meeting here of all organizations of political emigrants, a resolution was adopted rejecting the plan of our Central Committee; its adoption is made contingent on the agreement of the Synopsis 1 .
The speeches of the speakers were distinguished by comparative] moderation. There was no longer any talk of stigmatization, shame, etc. The duty of the internationalists to defend comrades traveling from slander was recognized. Of course, promises in this spirit from a certain sort of people are not particularly to be believed.
Note that the meeting voted for the plan if the SRH approved it. It was proposed to send Comrade. the Swiss to report the case to the SRD and telegraph a response in a conditional phrase. The trip will take a maximum of a week.
I am sharing this plan. In any case, we emphasize again and again (we even, relying on the consent of Comrade Lenin, discussed this here) that the SRD telegram should be sent through Stockholm before departure with the news that we are going through Germany. Of course, it will not reach, or if it does, there will be no answer. But we won't wait for it. It is important to have a certified document that you applied to the CRS prior to departure 2 .
Today we received a letter from Lunacharsky 3 in which he sets forth Grimm's protest. The Valerian (the dearest half of the couple called the “Forward Group”) 4 runs around the city in a rage and tells everyone that the Bolsheviks are intriguing, that Grimm has nothing to do with the plan, that he protests and exposes the Leninists, and so on. etc. We regret that yesterday at the meeting they did not tell this incident with Grimm in order to find out exactly who was intriguing. But I agreed with you not to talk about it if no one raises this incident.
It is now necessary that you, if possible, immediately notify us of what is the matter. We parted, not really knowing the real reasons for Grimm's "protest". It is clear that the person is unreliable. What he will throw out tomorrow is hard to say. By all means, all negotiations with him must be conducted, as before, with witnesses. It would be great if that Swiss comrade who will take us, on behalf of himself (let him call himself a certain pseudonym for the time being) sent us a piece of paper in two words, saying that the plan for Grimm's departure is technically carried out and the trip will take place in one from the next few days (something of that kind, to stop extremely unpleasant gossip that interferes with business). How to reconcile 1) Grimm's protest and 2) his conversation yesterday with Comrade Zinoviev, confirming his previous agreement. Write in detail.
I couldn't get the news in Petit Parisienne 5 . Perhaps this is a myth. They say that "Humanite" 6 prints - the news of thorough searches and strictness, interrogations, demands for papers, and so on. on the Finnish border. Tried to get this number, couldn't. This hole is Geneva!...
You cannot imagine what a mess is going on here. Only 14 people voted for our trip. Besides the comrades you know, there is one Left Bundist, one Left Bundovka would like to go, one old Vperyodist. Looking forward to more details about the trip.
Personal request. Yesterday, at the meeting, my report about the meeting of group representatives in Zurich, made on the basis of Lunacharsky's report to the four of us, was taken under suspicion. A delegate of the Central Committee for the evacuation of emigrants (Bagotsky is secretary) was here at yesterday's meeting and informed the meeting that this committee knew nothing about the Grimm-Leninists' plan, that the Central Committee had information that nothing would come of this plan, that Grimm had nothing to do with it. does not have, etc. So I ask you, all those who were present at the conversation with Lunacharsky, to write to me personally that Lunacharsky really said what I reported, namely: sign the enclosed letter. (I am very sorry that I am bothering you with this, but it is necessary. It is a pity that I also said about Lunacharsky's personal phrase: it failed. There is such a campaign against us!).
One comrade proposes to start a series of articles in the Swiss [press] press to clarify for the time being the actual impossibility for emigrants to get into Russia (without the slightest hint that Germany is the only way: on the contrary, as if this latter is excluded). Based only on rigorously verified facts. For the first article three: the embassy's telegram, the absence of any [any] answers regarding the return from the SRS, while there was a response to congratulations from the government already on the 5th day (one fact in Geneva), the closure of Nachalo 7 . Let me know how you feel about this. Purpose: to prepare public opinion for the adoption of the pill. Of course, only in the social [ic] press to publish. Give all verified facts and information with the addition of exact data, when, who, where stated, received, etc.
Yesterday I received a telegram from Russia with the following content:
“IN PETROGRAD THE BIG SOCIAL-DEMOCRATIC NEWSPAPER NOVAYA LIFE WILL BE PUBLISHED IN PETROGRAD 8 . PLEASE SEND CORRESPONDENCE, ARTICLES, DISPATCHES. REPLY BY TELEGRAPH TO GORKY AT THE ADDRESS: CHRONICLE, PETROGRAD. (Answer paid). "CHRONICLE" 9 ".
Before answering, I would like to know your opinion. It is clear that in any social[ial-]democratic] newspaper it is now not very possible to cooperate. Somewhere the news flashed that Gorky had either been appointed, or was about to be appointed minister of the arts. Shouldn't we first roll out an article against the Provisional Government, in general an article clearly formulating our point of view, and ask to be telegraphed whether it has been adopted? Or vice versa, until the nature of the newspaper is clarified, to correspond from abroad about the sabotage of the truth about the Russian revolution, about the attitude of the proletariat, the bourgeoisie, etc. towards it? Write as you think, as soon as possible.
Take all measures to ensure that all conversations with Grimm and other comrades and persons about the departure must be conducted in the presence of witnesses and best of all recorded. My impression is that none of them can be relied upon. Treason can [be] from anywhere, and we run the risk of remaining in the most ridiculous and ugly position, in a shameful position - we started an intrigue and were exposed.
It would be good to stock up, if possible, with formal data, documentary data and proof that the way through Germany is the only one. Take care of the telegram from the embassy. It would be good to verify and establish what Lunacharsky reported about the words of the French [comrade] minister in response to a request for departure (who went, when, who was at the same time, which minister, etc.), and about White’s words (to whom he spoke or wrote where, when, with whom, etc.) 10 .
Finally, the departing comrades are asked to report the hour of departure at least and, if possible, a day in advance .
It seems that's all for now. Yes, tomorrow in Lausanne there will be a congress of representatives of organizations from all cities on the issue of departure. It is necessary that you respond immediately by express, at least about the main thing: about Grimm (to what is written above). Our delegate should be able to explain what's going on. He should have, if possible, our formal categorical statement by a competent person, institution, that the departure is a matter finally decided and at the stage of practical implementation. It may be necessary to talk about it by phone or let us know the address of the congress so that we can send a letter there directly.
5.IV. 191712
RTSKHIDNI. F. 2. On. 5. D. 747. L. 1-2. Typewritten text. Photocopy.
Notes:
one. On March 6 (19), 1917, at a private meeting of representatives of Russian emigrant party centers in Bern (Switzerland), the question was raised about possible ways for the return of Russian political emigration to Russia. In the international military control lists of the Entente countries, most of the socialists - opponents of the war were listed as not being allowed to pass through the borders. As one of the options for returning, Martov put forward, and Lenin supported the project of exchanging Russian emigrants from Switzerland for Austro-German civilian prisoners interned in Russia. It was entrusted to the Swiss socialist, federal adviser Grimm, to find out the attitude of the German government to this plan. Citing neutrality, the Swiss government, according to Grimm, refused to mediate emigrants. Representatives of the German authorities in Bern agreed. As a result of the negotiations in Zurich, a new meeting of representatives of the party centers was held with the participation of Lenin. The latter insisted on the route through Germany as the only possible one. The author of the project, Martov, stated the need to obtain consent to travel from the Provisional Government or the Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies. Referring to the riskiness of the action without the sanction of the Russian competent institution, Grimm supported him. Opinions were divided. On March 18 (31), 1917, signed by Lenin and Zinoviev, a special resolution of the Foreign Collegium of the Central Committee of the RSDLP was adopted from 6 points, drawn up as a decision in response to Grimm's proposal (Lenin V. I. PSS. T. 31. P. 83 -84). The decision stated that the entire risk of the action was covered by the authority of the latter. Grimm in a sharp letter rejected this statement of the Collegium Abroad (Letter to A.V. Lunacharsky to the group "Forward" // Literary heritage. V. I. Lenin and A. V. Lunacharsky. Correspondence. Reports. The documents. M., 1971. S. 638-641). Lenin, declaring that it was impossible to delay the departure, authorized the secretary of the Swiss Social Democratic Party, Fr. Platten to complete negotiations with the German government as soon as possible. Lenin's position was criticized at several meetings of the Central Emigrant Committee (Bagotsky was the secretary of the Executive Council of this committee).
2 . On March 23 (April 5), 1917, the Executive Commission of the Central Emigrant Committee addressed the Russian Minister of Justice Kerensky and the Soviet of Workers' Deputies with a telegram requesting consent to travel through Germany. On the same day, a group of socialists (Akselrod, Astrov, Lunacharsky, Martov, and others) sent a telegram to the Soviet in Petrograd (addressed to Chkheidze, Gorky, Korolenko, and Kerensky), in which they supported the plan of the emigre committee.
3 . Obviously, we are talking about Lunacharsky’s letter “Forward to the group” dated March 21 (April 3), 1917, outlining the plan of the Central Committee of the RSDLP (b) on the way to move to Russia, Grimm’s protest, Lenin’s reaction to these events (Ibid. S. 638-642).
4 . The Vperyod group is a social democratic group that emerged after the revolution of 1905-1907. Among its participants are Bogdanov, Aleksinsky, Menzhinsky, Pokrovsky, Bazarov and others.
5 . The Petit Parisien is a daily French newspaper, Paris, 1876-1944.
6 . L'Humanite is a newspaper founded by Jaurès in 1904 as the organ of the French Socialist Party. During the First World War, the newspaper was in the hands of the right wing of the party.
7 . "Nachalo" - the newspaper of the RSDLP (Mensheviks), Paris, 1916-1917.
8. "New Life" ("Free Life") - a newspaper of a group of Menshevik internationalists and writers, from the circle of authors of the journal "Letopis", Petrograd - Moscow, 1917-1918.
9 . Chronicle is a literary, scientific and political journal founded by Gorky. Petrograd, 1915 - 1917
10 . Obviously, we are talking about responses to official requests from socialist emigrants (opponents of the war) by representatives of the French and British governments about the possibility of returning to Russia through the territory of their countries.
11 . Without waiting for the end of the negotiations, on March 27 (April 9), 1917, a group of emigrants led by Lenin and Zinoviev left for Russia through Germany and Sweden. All the conditions and circumstances of the departure were recorded and communicated to the representatives of the "Zimmerwald Left" Germany, France, Poland and Switzerland. On behalf of the Zimmerwalders and signed by them, a document was drawn up for the press, in which it was reported that the European socialists were aware of all the nuances of the state of negotiations on the possibility of the departure of Russian internationalists to Russia, as well as the reasons for choosing the route of this departure through Germany and Sweden. This report was published in the Swedish Left Social Democrat newspaper Politiken on April 15, 1917.
12 . At the end of the letter there is a note: "Letter to Lenin."