XIX Congress of the CPSU (b) - (October 5-14, 1952). Documents and Materials

V.M. Molotov

Introductory speech

Comrades!

On behalf of the Central Committee of the Party, I greet the delegates of the 19th Party Congress, as well as our dear guests, who represent here the foreign communist parties and other fraternal parties of the working class. (Stormy, prolonged applause.)

Our first word today should be dedicated to those who, during the war years against German and other aggressors, heroically defended our Soviet Motherland and gave their lives for our just cause. Let us stand up to the glorious memory of those who died in this war, who gave their lives in the struggle against fascism, for the cause of freedom and independence of the Soviet Union. (Everyone gets up.)

Some of the most prominent leaders of our party are not among us today. Died Alexander Sergeevich Shcherbakov, who led the political work in the army during the difficult years of the war and who is especially known to the party as an outstanding leader of the Moscow party organization. There is no Mikhail Ivanovich Kalinin among us, whom the whole country knew so well and our party loved so much. Died Andrei Aleksandrovich Zhdanov, one of the talented representatives of the Stalinist leading nucleus of the party. We also remember the names of other deceased friends and comrades, whose life was inextricably linked with the party.

As a sign of deep respect, let us honor their memory. (Everyone gets up.)

The previous congress of our party was in 1939. Over the past period, events of great historical importance have taken place.

As you know, the peaceful labor of our people was disrupted by the treacherous attack of German fascism on the Soviet Union. We were forced to interrupt work on fulfilling the tasks of the third five‐year plan. We had to completely rebuild on a military basis, subordinating everything to the interests of defeating the enemy invading our territory.

The Second World War was the greatest test for the young multinational Soviet state. At the same time, it was a comprehensive test of the correctness of the policy of our party. During the war, the Soviet people went through many difficult days and made heavy sacrifices. But in the fire of these events, the Soviet Union did not weaken and did not hesitate, but under the leadership of our party it became even more tempered and strengthened as a socialist state, even more confident in its own strength, in the invincibility of its great cause.

The Second World War ended with the defeat of the fascist aggressors, which in many respects unleashed the forces of the peopleʹs liberation movement in Europe and Asia. In the new conditions that have arisen, especially in view of the decisive role of the Soviet Union in this war, it became possible for a number of countries in the postwar period to turn from the capitalist path of development to a new path, to the path of creating and developing peopleʹs democratic states. This marked the beginning of a new stage in the development of international socialism.

All this explains why in our days the guiding ideological influence of our party on all aspects of the countryʹs life has increased so much and the love of our people for their party ‐ for the party of Lenin‐Stalin ‐ is so great. (Prolonged applause.)

This also explains why today its international authority is so high and the trust and respect of the working people of other countries to our party, to its Stalinist leadership is so great. (Stormy, prolonged applause.)

In the post‐war period, the Soviet Union concentrated its forces on the tasks of restoring and further developing the national economy, as well as on the tasks of preserving and strengthening peace among peoples. At this congress we are to discuss the directives for the fifth five‐year plan for the development of the USSR. The results of the past year, and likewise the economic achievements of the current year, testify to the fact that the working people of our country have already achieved considerable success in fulfilling the magnificent tasks of the Fifth FiveYear Plan. To move forward confidently, we must fight even more decisively the existing shortcomings in our work, to overcome the moods of complacency and bureaucratic complacency, wherever they appear, remembering that criticism and self‐criticism is a combat and indispensable weapon of the communist and that it is our , the Soviet method of raising the initiative of the masses.

The decisions of the congress will inspire the Party and the entire Soviet people not only to fulfill, but also to overfulfil the new five‐year plan. This will mean a further and all‐round strengthening of the might of the Soviet state and a further significant increase in the material and cultural standard of living of the people: the working class, the collective farm peasantry, the Soviet intelligentsia. Thus, by implementing the five‐year plan, the Soviet people will achieve important new successes on the path of a gradual transition from socialism to communism. (Stormy applause.)

We do not forget, of course, that the Soviet Union lives ʺin a system of statesʺ, that there is an imperialist camp that has adventurous plans of conquest, which is increasingly arming itself, fanning war hysteria in every possible way and preparing to unleash a new world war. This aggressive, anti‐democratic camp is headed by the ruling reactionary circles of the United States of America, fulfilling the will of the capitalist monopolies, who, in an insatiable pursuit of increased profits, are striving to establish their world domination by force.

It is the ruling circles of the United States that bear the main responsibility for the criminal war in Korea, for the seizure of the Chinese island of Taiwan, for the transformation of West Germany and Japan into dependent states, as well as for the creation in the West and East of aggressive military alliances, such as the North Atlantic bloc, directed against peace‐loving states. ‐ The Soviet Union, the Peopleʹs

Republic of China and the Peopleʹs Democracies.

Nothing, however, can hide the serious weakening of the world

capitalist system that has taken place in recent years, especially after a number of states with a total population of 600 million fell away from it in the post‐war period. Nothing can hide the inability of the capitalist countries to cope with the growing danger of a new economic crisis and a new increase in mass unemployment, which, at the same time, leads to increased contradictions and frictions between these states and to the inevitable aggravation of the class struggle in these countries. None of the efforts of the warmongers and their newspaper servants, seeking to put on a mask of peacefulness and at the same time intoxicating the readers of the bourgeois press with the spread of slander about the aggressiveness of the Soviet Union, will be able to obscure the fact that it is from the aggressive circles of the imperialist camp that new and new threats to freedom and the national independence of peoples, ever new threats of violation of peace and international security. The more the precariousness and unreliability of future prospects and internal weaknesses of modern capitalism, which is at the stage of a general crisis and an intensified slide towards the fascist regime, are revealed, the more aggressive the main powers of the imperialist camp and their predatory propaganda of a new war become.

The camp of reaction and aggression is opposed by another camp ‐ the international camp for the defense of peace and democracy. This peaceloving democratic camp is rightfully headed by the Soviet Union, which firmly and invariably upholds the policy of preserving and strengthening peace among peoples. (Prolonged applause.)

In this regard, it should be noted that the most important result of the Second World War is the historical fact that the Soviet Union finally came out of the position of international isolation. Now the cause of peace and democracy, together with the Soviet Union, is upheld by the countries of peopleʹs democracy, the Peopleʹs Republic of China and the German Democratic Republic. In addition, the defense of peace and democracy now relies on a powerful international peace movement that unites hundreds of millions of people, including many millions of peace supporters in capitalist countries.

Struggling to ensure peace, we Soviet people do not for a moment forget about the need for due vigilance and readiness to actively repulse any aggression on the part of the militant imperialist camp. Without this, it is impossible to truly defend the cause of preserving and consolidating peace. We are guided by the well‐known instruction of Comrade Stalin, which became the basis for the struggle of peoples for the cause of peace:

“Peace will be preserved and consolidated if the peoples take the matter of preserving peace into their own hands and defend it to the end. (Stormy, long‐lasting applause). War can become inevitable if the warmongers manage to entangle the masses with lies, deceive them and involve them in a new world war. ʺ

This party congress will demonstrate how the forces of the Soviet Union, the homeland of victorious socialism, have grown and become stronger. It will also fulfill its main task ‐ to illuminate with the bright light of Marxism‐Leninism the further paths to new and even more glorious victories of socialism in our country and to a further, even broader and more powerful rallying of international democratic forces in the interests of protecting peace throughout the world. (Prolonged applause.)

Our party came to the Nineteenth Congress as powerful and united as ever. (Prolonged applause.) The banner of our party, covered with glorious battles and many victories, is raised high and calls our people forward to the victory of communism. (Prolonged applause.) The name of the leader of our party, the name of Stalin, expresses the best hopes and aspirations of all progressive humanity. (A stormy, long standing ovation. Everyone stands up).

Long live the party of Lenin ‐ Stalin! (Stormy applause.)

Long live the 19th Party Congress! (Stormy applause.)

May our dear, great STALIN live and live for many years! (A stormy, long standing ovation. Everyone stands up. Exclamations are heard: ʺLong live the great Stalin!ʺ, ʺComrade Stalin ‐ hurray!ʺ ...

On behalf of the Central Committee, I declare the 19th Party Congress open. (All get up. Stormy, prolonged applause. The delegates to the congress are singing the Party anthem ʺInternationaleʺ).

Organizational matters

Then, at the suggestion of V.M. Molotov, the congress is going to elect its own governing bodies.

The floor is given to Comrade Melnikov. On behalf of the Council of Representatives of delegations of all regions, territories and republics, he proposes to elect the Presidium of the congress, consisting of 16 people. The offer is accepted.

When Comrade Melnikov mentions the name of Comrade Stalin, thunderous applause breaks out in the hall. Everyone gets up.

The composition of the Presidium is elected by the congress unanimously.

Congress Presidium:

Andrianov V.M., Aristov A.B., Bagirov M.D., Beria L.P., Bulganin N.A., Voroshilov K.E., Kaganovich L.M., Korotchenko D.S., Kuusinen O.V., Malenkov G.M., V.M. Molotov, A.I. Niyazov, Patolichev N.S., I.V. Stalin, Khrushchev N.S., Shayakhmetov Zh.

Further V.M. Molotov gives the floor to Comrade Brezhnev. Speaking on behalf of the Council of Representatives of Delegations, he proposes to elect the Secretariat of the Congress. This proposal is accepted. The Congress unanimously elects a Secretariat proposed by Comrade

Brezhnev.

Congress Secretariat:

Poskrebyshev A.N., Ignatov N.G., I.V. Kapitonov, Mgeladze A.I., Melnikov L.G., Muratov Z.I., Puzanov A.M., Snechkus A.Yu., Smirnov D.G.

On behalf of the Council of Representatives of Delegations, Comrade Mgeladze makes a proposal to elect the Editorial Commission of the

Congress. The Congress unanimously elects the Editorial Commission. Editorial committee of the Congress:

Pospelov P.N., Gafurov B., Ilyichev L.F., Mikhailov N.A., Suslov M.A.,

E.I. Tretyakova

On the proposal of Comrade Patolichev, the Credentials Committee of the Congress was unanimously elected.

Credentials committee of the congress:

Pegov N.M., Arutinov G.A., Babaev S., Belyaev N.I., Brezhnev L.I., Vagapov S.A., Grishin I.T., Efimov A.P., Kalnberzin Ya.E., Kirichenko

A.I., Kiselev N.V., Kabin I.G., Razzakov I.R., Shkiryatov M.F., Yakovlev I.D.

After the election of governing bodies, the following order of the day of the congress is approved.

The order of the day of the XIX Congress of the CPSU (b)

1. Report of the Central Committee of the CPSU (b) ‐ speaker Secretary of the Central Committee comrade. Malenkov G.M.

2. Report of the Central Auditing Commission of the CPSU (b) ‐ rapporteur Chairman of the Auditing Commission com. Moskatov P.G.

3. Directives of the XIX Party Congress on the fifth five‐year plan for the development of the USSR for 1951 ‐ 1955 ‐ rapporteur Chairman of the State Planning Committee comrade. Saburov M.Z.

4. Changes in the Charter of the CPSU (b) ‐ Reporter Secretary of the

Central Committee com. Khrushchev N.S.

5. Election of the central bodies of the party.

Then the congress approves the regulations of its work.

The floor for the reporting report of the Central Committee of the CPSU (b) is given to the Secretary of the Central Committee comrade G.M. Malenkov. Comrade G.M. Malenkov on the rostrum is greeted by the delegates with stormy, prolonged applause. Everyone gets up.